I asked Minister Gallagher a simple question about the true cost of Snowy Hydro 2.0. Unsurprisingly, I got a response, just not an answer.
Economic analysts like Robert Gottliebsen projects that this project could cost taxpayers over $1 trillion by the time it’s finished. While One Nation believes this figure is far too high, the lack of proper planning, financial analysis, cost control and transparency makes an accurate analysis impossible.
How much will electricity have to cost for taxpayers to get their money back? They don’t know. They are making this up as they go along!
One Nation will:
❌ Close down Snowy 2.0 before it sends the country broke.
❌ Remediate the environmental damage.
❌ Build clean, reliable coal-fired power to slash the cost of living.
A One Nation government will stop this madness, balance the budget and put Australians first.
Transcript
Senator Roberts: Thank You. I take note of Minister Gallagher’s response—it wasn’t an answer—to my question regarding the urgent need to close down Snowy Hydro 2.0 before it sends us broke. Robert Gottliebsen, not a man to be taken lightly, has projected the cost of this project at over $1 trillion after allowing for capital costs, maintenance, transmission line construction and maintenance costs, industrial solar and wind installations necessary to provide the power, and regular renewal of these renewables—because they only last 15 years—from now until the project is finished and paid for, likely in 2060. Then add in the annual subsidies, because Snowy 2.0 will always run at a loss and you’ll be paying for it. How much will the power have to be priced at to get our money back? They don’t know. They’re making this up as they go along. What a metaphor for the whole so-called net zero transition, a transition to poverty! One Nation will close this project down, remediate the environmental damage and replace the generation of power with beautiful, clean coal-fired power, lowering the cost of living for all Australians and helping us balance the budget.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/Uk6AbbFJ_vw/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2026-08-20 09:30:272026-08-20 10:02:48Time to Pull the Plug on Snowy 2.0
During my second session with AHPRA, I asked their representatives about their neutrality, bureaucratic overreach and entanglement with radical ideological and political advocacy groups.
When I pressed Mr Untersteiner on whether AHPRA caseworkers even possess the basic competence to distinguish between a psychoanalytic view of psychosis and a genuine psychotic disorder, or whether they’re weaponising ignorance to take unwarranted action against doctors, he could not provide an answer and took it on notice.
More importantly, I am extremely concerned about AHPRA’s institutional alignment with politicised organisations such as ACON and its Pride in Diversity program, including their active membership and participation in the Australian Workplace Equality Index.
Despite admitting that no formal assessment has ever been conducted to evaluate whether these ideological partnerships create actual or perceived conflicts of interest, Mr Untersteiner hid behind procedural bureaucracy and evasive talking points.
When asked how AHPRA can possibly claim to be an independent, unbiased regulator while paying to participate in programs designed to push progressive inclusion agendas, they dodged my questions, basically admitting they have no defence for the exorbitant legal costs hardworking Australian doctors face when forced to defend themselves against unaccountable regulators.
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: I’m going to skip a lot of my questions, Mr Untersteiner, and go straight to general questions. Would an AHPRA caseworker understand if a doctor were referring to a psychoanalytic view of psychosis rather than a psychotic disorder?
Mr Untersteiner: I’m happy to take that on question on notice.
Senator ROBERTS: If they don’t understand, are they in a position to take action against such a doctor?
Mr Untersteiner: Again, I’m happy to take that on notice.
Senator ROBERTS: Given Ahpra’s affiliation with the Rainbow Tick scheme and ACON, a high-profile gender identity organisation, how can a doctor be sure that AHPRA is neutral and not biased against them?
Mr Untersteiner: I go back to an earlier point that I made, which is that we regulate one million health practitioners, and those one million health practitioners will see many millions of Australians as well. We have a paramount responsibility of public protection within the legislation. In order for us to fulfil that duty, we need to be engaging with all sorts of communities to understand their experiences in the health system and to understand their experiences with the regulator as well, and so we meet with many different organisations, including Australian Disability Network, for instance, Diversity Council Australia and many, many others. I could go on. We also work with Pride in Diversity for the exact same reason.
Senator ROBERTS: Can AHPRA confirm all formal and informal relationships it maintains with ACON and its programs, including Pride in Diversity.
Mr Untersteiner: I’ll take it on notice.
Senator ROBERTS: Is AHPRA currently a member of Pride in Diversity or participating in the Australian Workplace Equality Index?
Mr Untersteiner: We do have a membership with Pride in Diversity.
Senator ROBERTS: At what cost, and when did you join?
Mr Untersteiner: I’m happy to take that on notice.
Senator ROBERTS: What due diligence was undertaken before entering into these relationships, particularly given ACON’s explicit advocacy role on gender identity policy?
Mr Untersteiner: Again, I’m happy to take that on notice.
Senator ROBERTS: Has AHPRA conducted any formal assessment of whether these relationships create actual or perceived conflicts of interest in its regulatory functions?
Mr Untersteiner: I’m confident that they aren’t creating any kind of conflict. Again, as I mentioned, we use a range of different partnerships and memberships to ensure that we’re hearing different voices from the community. At the end of the day, our regulatory role is founded in the legislation and in the codes of conduct. Again, I’m very comfortable that we fulfil that duty without a conflict of interest.
Senator ROBERTS: Have you conducted any formal assessment of whether these relationships create actual or perceived conflicts?
Mr Untersteiner: No formal assessment.
Senator ROBERTS: How does AHPRA reconcile its statutory obligation to act as an independent regulator with participation in programs designed to influence institutional behaviour toward progressive inclusion strategies?
Mr Untersteiner: Again, I think I’ve answered that.
Senator ROBERTS: Not specifically.
Mr Untersteiner: Again, we apply legislation and codes of conduct in our investigations. To go further, ultimate decisions are made by professional boards under the legislation. Members of the professional boards are not employees of AHPRA. They are statutory appointees appointed by every state and territory health minister and the federal health minister, so they are independent of AHPRA in that sense. Again, there is an arm’s-length arrangement in decision-making. Beyond that, there is a right of appeal through to tribunals and even the higher courts. Again, there is a very robust regulatory and legislative framework that ensures that there isn’t a conflict of interest that occurs as a result of us listening to different members of the community to understand their experiences.
Senator ROBERTS: Do you know what it costs to go to court?
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, we’re going to have to rotate the call. This is your last question.
Senator ROBERTS: Has AHPRA received advice, internal or external, on whether alignment with advocacy organisations risks regulatory capture or bias?
Mr Untersteiner: I’ll take that on notice.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you, Chair. Thank you Mr Untersteiner.
I questioned representatives from AHPRA regarding their heavy-handed and unjustified actions against Dr Amos, an academic psychiatrist from North Queensland.
On 26 February 2026, the Medical Board of Australia slapped immediate restrictions on Dr Amos’s medical registration, banning him from patient contact and social media commentary on gender.
This move was triggered by just four complaints (three were anonymous and none were from patients) concerning three X posts — one questioning whether trans identification can be differentiated from psychosis and another using biological pronouns during an exchange.
When I pressed Mr Untersteiner on what specific parts of those posts allegedly posed a “serious risk to public health and safety” to justify an immediate action order, he hid behind confidentiality provisions and refused to discuss individual cases. Even with support from Senator Henderson challenging their secrecy, the agency repeatedly dodged direct questions.
When I asked Dr Orchard whether a health practitioner has the right to refer to biological sex, or if doing so constitutes discrimination, they hid behind vague codes of conduct and social media guidelines instead of giving a straight answer.
AHPRA claims they only intervene when debate crosses into hate or discrimination, yet they couldn’t provide a clear set of guidelines defining what they actually consider “misinformation.”
I questioned their process of issuing severe penalties before facts are even established or investigations conducted, ultimately destroying doctors’ careers over anonymous complaints and standard public commentary.
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: Could I have Ahpra please? Thank you all for being here. Dr Amos is an academic psychiatrist based in North Queensland. His academic work includes numerous published journal articles and conference presentations on gender medicine. On 26 February 2026, the Medical Board of Australia placed restrictions on Dr Amos’s medical registration, preventing him from having direct or indirect contact with patients and banning him from posting on social media on the topic of gender. This was in response to four complaints about three X posts. Three of the complaints were anonymous. It’s important to note that there was no patient complaint. He had posted that ‘there is no reliable evidence that trans identification can be differentiated from psychosis.’
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, given that it is almost 10.30 and we’ve had all of these questions from senator Henderson—
Senator ROBERTS: No, we haven’t had these questions.
ACTING CHAIR: I think you’re going to get a similar response.
Senator ROBERTS: We’ve had this topic but not this question. Another complaint was that, in a post exchange, Dr Amos used biological pronouns and thereby was accused of misgendering a UK trans activist. The immediate action order used by Ahpra against Dr Amos is meant to be reserved, as I understand it, for when there is a reasonable belief that a health practitioner poses a serious risk to public health and safety. What specific elements of those posts did the board determine posed a serious risk to public health and safety under the socalled national law?
Mr Untersteiner: As the chair has highlighted, I’ve answered this question numerous times. My response will remain. I can’t comment on individual cases, because we have very clear confidentiality provisions.
Senator ROBERTS: Let’s move on then. Does a health practitioner have the right to refer—
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, just one moment. I hope it is a point of order, Senator Henderson, and not commentary.
Senator HENDERSON: No, of course not. This is just a point of order in relation to advice that I’ve just received through the secretariat. If the information is public, there’s no basis not to answer these questions. We’ve checked the advice with the chair. So I would just challenge—
ACTING CHAIR: You haven’t checked the advice with the chair.
Senator HENDERSON: Sorry, I meant with the secretary. Apologies. I’m just saying through the chair that I don’t think it’s appropriate that you decline to answer these questions. It’s not consistent with the rules of the Senate insofar as—
Mr Untersteiner: Sorry, to confirm—
ACTING CHAIR: I think this is an interpretation issue. The information that that you have is not necessarily the stuff that is printed in whatever publication it is that has been quoted. There is a big difference in reporting from wherever you got it and the agencies actually providing you with their detailed private information that is protecting other people’s privacy. But I’m happy for Mr Untersteiner to take that on notice and provide the rationale and the breakdown. Perhaps you, Senator Henderson, could provide the information that you were reading from previously in terms of your—
Senator HENDERSON: I’ve tabled that, Chair. That’s been tabled.
ACTING CHAIR: Right. I still haven’t seen it. Nobody’s given it to me, I’m afraid.
Senator HENDERSON: Please speak to the secretary. Please don’t—
Senator Roberts interjecting—
ACTING CHAIR: I’ll just finish. I believe you’ve been asking the Clerk about a public interest immunity claim, and we can go to that point at that time. But let’s just take it on notice and come back with the rationale and the understanding, and then Senator Henderson and Senator Roberts can go through that and determine what steps they might like to take next.
Senator ROBERTS: I appreciate Senator Henderson interjecting, but the ultimate umpire is the TV camera—the people watching this at home, the Australians. Does a health practitioner, Mr Untersteiner, have the right to refer to a trans person’s biological sex?
Mr Untersteiner: I’m struggling a little bit with that question in regard to our role as the regulator. I don’t know—
Senator ROBERTS: Is it discrimination for a health practitioner to refer to a person’s biological sex? Is it discrimination?
Dr Orchard: I understand your question to be: is there an issue with a practitioner making public reference to someone’s gender or sex?
Senator ROBERTS: To refer to a person’s biological sex.
Dr Orchard: Generally, in respect of public comments by practitioners, you’ve heard earlier the discussion around the right of free speech and the fact that Ahpra and the boards are committed to those ideals, but there are limits to free speech and how people express themselves—
Senator ROBERTS: So a doctor talking about biological sex is going against free speech?
Dr Orchard: What I was going to say is that the codes of conduct and the social media guides that are published by boards set out quite clearly the expectations of practitioners when they are making public comments. They should make comments that are respectful and that rely on the best available information and so on—
Senator ROBERTS: I think you’re a man.
Dr Orchard: I beg your pardon?
Senator ROBERTS: I think you’re a man.
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, it’s not appropriate to get personal with the witnesses. Please have some respect.
Senator ROBERTS: How can a doctor fulfil their ethical obligation to inform the public of potential harms of gender interventions and gender ideology without being accused of discrimination against LGBTIQA+ people?
Mr Untersteiner: I’ve answered this question several times. As a regulator, we think health practitioners have a right to have public debate about a range of different issues, which include, again, gender-affirming treatment, gender blockers and other like treatments. We would not be taking regulatory action on that basis. Again, I think I’ve got to be very careful here about selective media and about using that as the basis.
Senator ROBERTS: What specifically would Ahpra consider to be misinformation in a post? If you can’t speak to that now, take it on notice.
Mr Untersteiner: Sure.
Senator ROBERTS: How do Ahpra staff acquire the capacity to know what is true or false information in this highly contested area? How do you know?
Mr Untersteiner: We rely on the existing clinical guidelines, but we also will look at the specific facts of the case, the specific facts of what was said and what context that was said in. Again, I want to be clear here that we will intervene where this goes beyond a debate about clinical pathways and treatments and moves into a place of hate or discrimination against individuals or groups. Again, I see firsthand the harm that discrimination and hate cause the community. I see vulnerable people in all walks of life in this country who fear seeking help because individuals go beyond debating appropriate clinical pathways or advice and move into very clear discrimination.
Senator ROBERTS: Could you give me specifically, please, a set of guidelines of what would be deemed by Ahpra to be misinformation in a post.
Mr Untersteiner: That’s a hypothetical. I don’t think I can answer that question.
ACTING CHAIR: Last question, Senator Roberts.
Senator ROBERTS: You’re breaking careers on it. The Medical Board of Australia’s immediate action orders are implemented before the facts are established and before an investigation occurs. Is it reasonable to destroy a doctor’s career for three social media posts without conducting an investigation—three anonymous complaints, no patient complaints?
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, you’re working on a limited basis there.
Mr Untersteiner: Again, I’d just say I don’t agree with your characterisation there. There’s a lot more information that won’t be public and isn’t appropriate for me to talk about. I’ve got legal obligations that I must meet—
I questioned Commissioner Kiss, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner of the Human Rights Commission regarding her comments warning against right-wing parties following the One Nation win in Farrer. She said that she did not recall making any such statements. 🤔
Moving on, I directed my questioning toward the “Aboriginal industry,” raising concerns that allocated funds are being consumed by middlemen, bureaucrats and activists rather than reaching impoverished Indigenous Australians.
Following interventions from the Chair, I asked about crime statistics and accountability within communities.
I then pressed the issue with the Minister representing the Government on the effectiveness of their spending and closing the gap.
As for an acceptable answer- crickets 🦗🦗🦗
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for appearing, Ms Kiss. You recently made comments warning of the dangers of right-wing parties. Apparently that was after the resounding One Nation win in the Farrer by-election. Is that correct?
Ms Kiss: I’m not sure what you’re referring to.
Senator ROBERTS: After the resounding One Nation win in the Farrer by-election, you made comments warning of the dangers of right-wing parties.
Ms Kiss: I don’t recall using that language at all. Can you clarify what you’re talking about?
Senator ROBERTS: No, that’s all I’ve got here. What benefits for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders would such a statement bring?
Ms Kiss: Again, I’m not clear what you’re referring to. So, if you could, give me some clarity around where I might have used that language. I don’t recall using that language.
Senator ROBERTS: You didn’t use it?
Ms Kiss: Not that I can recall.
Senator ROBERTS: Okay. What are your thoughts on the Aboriginal industry—that is, what’s referred to as the Aboriginal industry, the lawyers, the politicians, the public servants, the bureaucrats, the contractors, the academics and the activists living off the money allocated to assist Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders living in poverty despite receiving welfare payments the same as other Australians in need? The money is being allocated, but it’s not getting to where it needs to be. What are your thoughts on that?
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, that sounds an awful lot like you’re asking the commissioner for an opinion. That’s not—
Senator ROBERTS: Do you have an opinion?
Ms Kiss: I do have an opinion, but it’s not my role to share my opinion.
Senator ROBERTS: Are you aware that that’s happening?
Ms Kiss: I can speak to the fact that we know that there is a fair amount of financial allocation to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander services and supports. I’m not sure what you’re referring to in terms of welfare support, but I do have concerns about the fact that funding that’s being allocated to our communities and to our organisations and to government agencies is not actually meeting the needs of our communities. That’s evident in the Closing the Gap targets.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. We’re agreed. Are you aware that often more than half the grant money is eaten up by salaries and other middleman costs before getting to the people the grant was supposed to assist?
Ms Kiss: The indication of that has been presented in Productivity Commission reports and Indigenous expenditure reports, so, yes, I am aware that there is consideration of that.
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I’m struggling to see the connection between your questions and the role of Commissioner Kiss.
Senator ROBERTS: I think we’ll see it fairly soon.
CHAIR: Okay, I’m looking forward to that. That would be helpful.
Senator ROBERTS: Are you aware that most assaults upon Aboriginal women in the Northern Territory and in Western Australia are committed by Aboriginal men?
Senator COX: No, they’re not.
Ms Kiss: I’m not sure that those statistics are necessarily accurate.
Senator ROBERTS: Okay. Why does nobody comment that the large proportion of incarcerated Aboriginal people are in jail because they committed crimes warranting a jail sentence from a magistrate or judge? That’s called social justice.
Ms Kiss: I can’t make comment on that, Senator. That’s not a question for me.
CHAIR: Again, it’s asking the commissioner for her opinion.
Ms Kiss: Senator, I don’t make the decisions about who goes to jail and how they’re sentenced. Sorry. Senator ROBERTS: Minister, when will this government learn that throwing money around is not the solution? These people are living in misery, in poverty, and throwing more money at them and throwing it to the activists and the parasites in between is not being effective. It’s quite clear. Social justice includes people accepting responsibility for their own actions and genuine help on the ground. What is your government going to do about closing the gap, because it’s widening now?
Senator Green: Thanks for the question, Senator. I reject the language in your question. Yesterday, in front of the Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee, the National Indigenous Australians Agency appeared and gave a lot of evidence about all of the work that we are doing to improve outcomes and close the gap. Our government is committed to that. The Prime Minister gave a statement to acknowledge the Closing the gap reports. We acknowledge that not enough is being done and more needs to be done, and that’s why we’ve made significant investments in the budget. I want to thank the commissioner for the work that she does in highlighting not just to governments around the country but to everyone in the country how important it is that we do close the gap, not just for the people who are living these lives right now but for future generations of Australians.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you, Ms Kiss. Could I have Dr Cody to the table again please? I want to read a statement from the Australian newspaper. It’s wrong, what we’ve learned today. It’s wrong, so I’m not accusing you of doing this, okay? I want to ask you a follow-up question. It says: Yet it is women from across the political spectrum who are appalled by her relentless campaign to erase sex-based rights. The problem is not you, is it? The problem is the Labor Party’s 2013 law—correct?
Dr Cody: The law is as it has been passed. My role is to advocate for gender equality, for the rights of women and also for the rights of the LGBTQI+ community within a human rights context.
Senator ROBERTS: So what I’ve picked up today is that the problem is the law, the law is an ass, yet many people perceive you as an activist. Does that tell you anything about the way you fulfil your role?
Dr Cody: I’m not sure what the question is, Senator.
Senator ROBERTS: Okay. This is another quote from this article: The global pushback Cody is witnessing isn’t against women’s rights—it’s for them. Do you agree or disagree?
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I think this is again veering into the territory of asking for opinions. If you’ve got questions relating to Commissioner Cody’s role and her responsibilities, feel free to ask.
Senator ROBERTS: I’ll just finish with that. The global pushback isn’t against women’s rights; it’s for women’s rights and women’s safety. Thank you very much for appearing.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/amYe8G92ff4/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2026-08-20 07:56:292026-08-20 07:56:36Bureaucracy, Grants and Closing the Gap
One Nation were extremely proud to launch their Victorian candidates in front of the Rebel News cameras.
Rebel News, many may remember, aligned themselves with the Freedom Movement in Victoria during the darkest days of the Daniel Andrews’ Labor regime.
While mainstream broadcasters took hundreds of millions in taxpayer dollars for Covid vaccine advertising and government assistance during the lockdowns – promoting unquestioned government propaganda, actively distorting truth, and discouraging critical safety questions – Rebel News stood with protesters as rubber bullets, pepper spray, and unforgivably heavy-handed policing intimidated people out of their rights. Their independent cameraman, Rukshan Fernando, provided an eternal record of government abuses of power in an era where many leaders would prefer the whole thing be swept aside and buried.
Transparency?
Not in a world where the state press takes over a billion dollars a year and media empires beg and scrape at the Treasury door for tax dollars while the internet rises up to replace them.
One Nation firmly supports the ‘free press’ as a pillar of democracy.
The question is – which press are actually ‘free’?
You decide…
In my opinion, the news channel that shared viral footage of a pregnant woman being handcuffed, beachgoers surrounded by armed officers, and pensioners being wrestled to the ground over mask violations, was doing its job. For this, they received door-knocks from police and thinly-veiled threats.
When One Nation is asked why it has given priority to independent media over The Guardian, ABC, and others – the reason should be obvious.
We reward those who upheld democracy and passed Australia’s first real test against tyranny since the war years.
Covid is important, because it was during this age of hysteria and sanctimonious propaganda that MSM died.
It wasn’t only a lesson about the need to reform our medical institutions and international oversight – it was a Litmus test on the relationship between the press and Parliament.
One that, MSM failed.
Qualified journalists, who have no excuse, presented obvious failures of logic and false claims from politicians as ‘fact’ – and persecuted anyone who dared to challenge them. Daily, they used their platforms and position of privilege, authority, and trust to encourage a culture of bullying and snitching between friends, family, and colleagues.
Had the press acted responsibly, politicians would not have been able to destroy so many Australian lives and livelihoods.
Instead, they shamelessly took the money.
Media empires coerced and threatened their own staff.
And now they want to re-write the record and pretend they were ‘always sceptical’.
What rot.
What lies.
The same journalists who now refer to me as a ‘conspiracy theorist’ went all-in on the most damaging lies of the Fauci-driven pandemic response. Subsequent hearings and releases from the US have shown how misguided this approach was.
How many people were harmed? We may never know – short of a true Royal Commission.
The scars of that time, however, live on as legislation with sunset clauses and exceptional emergency powers Parliament was never meant to have.
A One Nation government will seek to amend these injustices and return a sense of normality to our nation.
In the meantime, Pauline Hanson has put some of the worst behaved media networks and publications on notice.
Those who abused their position by fabricating outrage and misrepresenting One Nation in the past have been disinvited from high-profile events. And, like toddlers throwing a tantrum, they have stomped around and whinged about how ‘unfair’ it is that they were ‘banned’.
It’s a concern these politicians and competing media networks never extended to Rebel News or other independent conservative journalists who have been locked out of election press tours. Nor did they mind when the government sent orders to Silicon Valley to have their posts removed from social media.
My view is that The Guardian, ABC, and others are not genuinely distraught about the so-called ‘free’ press, rather they’re miffed about no longer holding a privileged position in the information economy.
Australians are not being denied access to One Nation, its policies, or its candidates.
Of all the political parties operating in this country, One Nation was the first to fully embrace social media and engage meaningfully with citizens. The ‘major’ parties rarely do this outside the lead-up to the election where they spend a few short weeks pretending to care about voters and then promptly slam the doors shut on public conversation.
I would argue that the cosy relationship enjoyed between the ‘major’ parties and legacy media networks, form the basis of an undemocratic system.
Why don’t they talk about the shadow bans and unspoken blacklists employed by networks where elected politicians are excluded from public discourse?
Media curates whose voices you hear.
They pick and choose who to exclude based on ratings, clicks, and personal bias.
Worse, for the ‘friendly’ politicians who appear daily, the comfy, pre-scripted questions and lack of proper questioning leaves me asking, why bother inviting them onto the screen? Media may as well print their press releases and move on.
Today’s media landscape looks nothing like the ‘rough and tumble’ debates of last century where politicians were perfectly capable of facing questions about their policies.
While One Nation puts an extraordinary amount of effort into each policy – and remains happy to answer detailed questions or even make adjustments following public feedback – you’re hard-pressed to find more than a few campaign lines embossed on professional (yet ideologically sparse) press releases from the other parties.
Given this, it does not surprise me that during the hysterical meltdown a few weeks ago, where I became the favourite chew toy of editors (who should be a lot more careful with their fact-checking and damaging false accusations), they took particular offence at my appearance on podcasts.
We’re always hearing Labor and the Coalition complain about Australians falling into ‘dangerous echo chambers online’. Ignoring that MSM is itself a dangerous echo chamber – the solution from the major parties appears to be to ban, restrict, or demonetise online discussions.
The whole of modern history tells us this approach is the least likely to change people’s minds or encourage a return to rational thought.
Instead, the lesson of Western Enlightenment has always been to err on the side of more conversation.
To have debates.
To talk to people whose views differ.
To challenge both yourself and others.
To wade into unfamiliar rooms and have difficult discussions.
How else can a politician hope to find out why it is that these voters have come to their views?
And so yes, I have made a point of going on many podcasts. Far more than most of my peers. I speak to everyone – from the largest and most controversial podcasters in America to start-up Australian journalists trying to break into the market. I’ve been on podcasts that host a wide range of topics – everything from forums on energy and its future, discussions about freedom of speech, I speak to medical professionals, I’ve spoken to economic professionals, Constitutional experts, Defence and Veterans podcasts, and conversations about migration. Most Fridays I speak directly to citizens about their concerns and catch people up with what’s going on in Parliament.
My peers on the other side of the blue, green, and red fence can scorn all they like – none of them are changing minds on their Insiders love-in.
The childish response to my record of sharing public discourse reveals how threatened media and politicians are by the simple act of talking outside the Canberra Bubble. Or should we say, safe space?
Last week, my critics were thoroughly embarrassed.
The ABC callously and wrongly ridiculed a discussion I had regarding the possibility that Covid vaccines could have an impact on miscarriages calling it a ‘debunked conspiracy theory’.
Referring to these as ‘unreported’ (meaning the ABC weren’t paying attention) livestream conversations with ‘anti-vax mandate activists’.
Well, yes, we still take the position that mandated Covid vaccination, on threat of job loss and lock-outs, was morally wrong and reprehensible. This is a mainstream view in hindsight, we might remind the ABC… The article continued to promote ‘anti-vaccine mandate’ as if it were a bad thing.
This was during the early days where the exact numbers and data were not known. It was a conversation about whether a risk to pregnant women existed at a time when women were being denied proper risk assessment. These women were contacting our office. They felt as if they were being lied to by authorities.
Well, we were right to ask questions. We were right to have discussions. And we were right to raise the alarm on possible harm to pregnant women.
Dr Anthony Fauci’s 2021 texts, revealed by Donald Trump’s executive order, show there was a discussion about ‘weigh[ing] the potential risks and benefits’ regarding pregnant women taking Covid vaccines.
Two vaccines in the US, Pfizer and Moderna, had been granted emergency use while data was still being collected on pregnant women – in other words, they didn’t know the risk profile.
These texts reveal that Fauci was aware of ‘fevers’ and ‘cytokine storms’ occurring in patients after the second dose which ‘theoretically could be associated with miscarriage in the first trimester’. To which other experts replied, ‘Good point.’
The Health and Human Services Department in the US no longer recommends these vaccines for pregnant women or healthy children.
Our position has always been transparency. This means freedom for doctors and medical professionals to voice their concern without fear of losing their jobs – and freedom for Australians to have access to honest medical information, not ‘risk-assessments’ decided in the dark by foreign bodies and boards that we did not elect.
It is the ABC who failed and it is the ABC who should apologise for that failure to the Australian people.
Politicians such as myself were elected to have these conversations when others cannot, because we have additional protection. It’s shocking that Australia has reached a point where seeking data and questioning ‘authority’ has become an excuse for the ‘trusted’ media to whip themselves into a frenzy.
Perhaps if they asked more questions, they wouldn’t need taxpayer dollars or legislative assistance to survive.
Who are the REAL ‘free press’? by Senator Malcolm Roberts
https://i0.wp.com/www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Free-Speech.jpg?fit=1238%2C1238&ssl=112381238Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2026-08-17 10:48:522026-08-17 10:48:59Who Are the REAL ‘Free Press’?
When you can’t get through the front door — go through New Zealand
The Albanese Government has turned New Zealand into a back door for Australian citizenship. Under Labor’s 2023 changes, anyone who gets NZ citizenship, even if they weren’t born there, can come to Australia on a 444 visa, stay indefinitely, and become an Australia citizen after four years without ever becoming a permanent resident or passing our points test.
When I pressed the department on how many people become permanent residents without passing the points test, they took the question on notice. The response is staggering.
Only 29% of permanent visas granted in 2025-26 to 31 March 2026, were points-tested. That means 71% of people gaining permanent residency, and eventually citizenship, never sat the points test at all.
Even New Zealand’s Foreign Minister has warned his country is being used as a stepping stone. Yet when I raised these concerns, the Minister tried to spin migration numbers to mislead Australians, ignoring the truth that Morrison raised immigration after COVID, and Albanese then drove it two records high, followed by a slight dip he now claims is a “cut”. He fails to mention the latest year is another record.
Australians deserve honesty. This government created a back-door pathway that undermines our citizenship standards and disrespects migrants who did the right thing, followed the rules, and passed the points test.
The Minister needs to stop playing games with the numbers and start serving the Australian people.
One Nation will immediately deny permanent residency and citizenship to anyone who fails the points test.
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: My questions are about the citizenship back door between New Zealand and Australia. Changes made by the Albanese government in July 2023 allowed New Zealand citizens who have lived here for four years to become Australian citizens without having to first become permanent residents. Is that correct?
Mr Layton: Technically, that is correct. The 444 visa is categorised as a temporary visa. The 444 visa holders have, since that time, become eligible for citizenship.
Senator ROBERTS: And a New Zealand citizen can come here without a visa and automatically qualify for a subclass 444 visa—that’s correct?
Mr Layton: No, that’s not correct. The 444 visa is applied, upon arrival, to a New Zealander. So they obtain that when they arrive in Australia.
Senator ROBERTS: Basically that’s the same as a permanent visa? Mr Willard: It’s a temporary visa, the 444.
Senator ROBERTS: Is it effectively a permanent visa—they can stay?
Mr Willard: They can stay indefinitely, but it’s classified as a temporary visa.
Senator ROBERTS: I don’t know why that’s the case, but let’s leave that. They can stay indefinitely. They arrive and get a 444 visa to stay indefinitely. Then, after four years, they can get citizenship without getting a permanent visa—straight from subclass 444 to citizenship. Is that correct? Mr Layton: Technically, that’s correct.
Senator ROBERTS: Then aren’t we really just relying on New Zealand having the same standards for citizenship as Australia?
Ms Foster: This was a government policy decision. We are responsible for giving effect to it.
Senator Watt: It’s worth recognising that many if not most of those New Zealand citizens who are gaining Australian citizenship have spent many years in Australia working and paying taxes.
Senator ROBERTS: I recognise that. I’ll go on. Do they in New Zealand, though—you may become a citizen in New Zealand if you’ve been there five years, can hold a conversation in English and are of good character proven with a police check. Summary offences don’t take away your good character. That’s the bar these people are using to become Australian citizens. Yes, some Kiwis are here for 20 years. It’s annoying that they don’t become citizens, but there are certain loopholes. There are certain benefits of not becoming citizens. I’m talking about people who use this as an easy entry. It is why New Zealand is now the No. 1 source of Australian citizens in the two-year period from 1 July 2023 to 30 June 2025. Isn’t it an easy back door? Someone who’s come to New Zealand can come straight here.
Ms Foster: Again, I think you’re asking us for an opinion. We can give you facts about the system, but we can’t comment on assertions of that nature.
Senator ROBERTS: They can do that, can’t they? I’m not asking for your opinion. They can do that. Ms Foster: Technically, someone can, as the officers have said, come to Australia on a 444 visa, and, after four years, they can apply for citizenship.
Mr Sharp: They would have had to have met the time threshold in New Zealand to acquire New Zealand citizenship as well.
Senator ROBERTS: But that’s at a very low threshold, a low bar. In that period from 1 July 2023 to 30 June 2025, 48 per cent of New Zealanders who are now Australian citizens were not born in New Zealand. They came into New Zealand from overseas. That’s a backdoor entry to Australian citizenship with a much lower bar because they had to meet the threshold for New Zealand, which is lower than Australian citizenship. That’s a much lower bar than people moving here directly and following the rules in Australia to citizenship, including passing what is called our 100-point test with at least a score of 65. This New Zealand back door is way easier than getting 65 on the 100-point test. For clarity, children don’t generally need to pass citizenship tests. Can you clarify that rule by age please. What’s the age threshold?
Mr Willard: It’s 18.
Senator ROBERTS: Do you understand the position that offering this pathway to people from foreign countries to come in through the back door in New Zealand without passing the points test is a slap in the face for those who have come here fairly, waited, worked, studied and done the right thing but can’t get citizenship because this government wrote in a backdoor way for no obvious reason? Can you understand that?
Ms Foster: We can’t comment on opinions of that nature.
Senator Watt: I have to say, I think it’s pretty insulting to a lot of New Zealand citizens who become Australian citizens to talk about them coming through a back door.
Senator ROBERTS: I’m talking about people who come into New Zealand, meet the lower threshold in New Zealand and come here. That’s who I’m talking about, Senator Watt. I’m surprised you can’t work that out. If this was about working with our neighbour New Zealand, why wasn’t there a provision for the pathway to be open only to New Zealand-born people rather than a deliberately set up back door to let in people that couldn’t pass a points test? What was the reason for that?
Mr Layton: The policy and the parameters around that are a matter for government.
Senator ROBERTS: Minister?
Senator Watt: I’m trying to remember the reason the government made that change in our first term. My recollection is that it was partly in recognition that, because of a change that had been made by the Howard government, there was a very large number of New Zealand citizens who had lived in Australia and worked, paid taxes and contributed to the community in a range of ways but, despite having lived here for such a very long time, were unable to get Australian citizenship, because of rules the Howard government imposed. That, in our view, was not fair. I remember that being at least one of the motivations for changing the policy.
Senator ROBERTS: I’ve got no problem with that. What I’m talking about is people who come to New Zealand, quickly meet the lower threshold for citizenship there and come here and automatically get citizenship.
Senator Watt: I’m not sure that people who, as you say, move to New Zealand and then move to Australia are necessarily of ‘low standard’. That’s what you’re implying in your question.
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I would also suggest that the New Zealand citizenship process is not a matter for Home Affairs.
Senator ROBERTS: No, it’s about using that threshold for people who are new to New Zealand. How many citizenships have been awarded to people who haven’t passed the points test under any circumstances?
Mr Layton: Sorry, the points test?
Senator ROBERTS: The Australian citizenship points test.
Ms Sharp: The points test is one way somebody can gain a permanent residency in Australia, but not every person who gains permanent residency in Australia comes in as a points tested migrant.
Senator ROBERTS: How many do?
Senator SHOEBRIDGE: They fall in love with someone!
Senator ROBERTS: How many come in without passing the points test?
Mr Willard: I would have to take that on notice. I would note that there are also employer sponsored migrants. There are many different types of permanent residents.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. According to an article: It has also prompted New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters to flag concerns his country is being used as a stepping stone by migrants wanting to come to Australia, and that the trend will further accelerate under an easing of its own migration rules which will grant residency in just 18 months for some workers. Those numbers, combined with the recent rise in New Zealanders moving to Australia, have raised doubts about Australia’s ability to meet a planned slowdown in migration— He doubts whether you’re going to slow down— as well as concerns it is robbing New Zealand of both its professional and low-skilled workforce.
Senator Watt: For starters, migration numbers in Australia have significantly fallen over the last couple of years.
Senator ROBERTS: Compared to when? What’s the baseline?
Senator Watt: Compared to the surge that we saw after COVID.
Senator ROBERTS: You mean the surge in 2023-24?
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, please let the minister finish.
Senator Watt: Yes. That was the surge that happened after COVID.
Senator ROBERTS: Your surge, where you went from 500,000 to 750,000.
Senator Watt: No, the surge that followed COVID.
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, we have been very orderly throughout today, and you are usually pretty good at not interjecting. I would ask that you maintain that order and allow the minister to respond, please.
Senator Watt: Here are a couple of other facts about this situation. I think we’ve already heard that the process that now applies still requires someone who has moved to New Zealand and gained New Zealand citizenship to have that for five years—so they spend five years in New Zealand and then four years in Australia. If you want to characterise that as a back door, that’s a pretty slow back door. Second, you’ve been asking questions about the points test. Any person who wants to get Australian citizenship still needs to meet the character and identification requirements and pass the security tests as well. As I said earlier, I think it’s a bit insulting to be suggesting these people are running through a back door and are of low standard. That’s what you’re suggesting.
Senator SHOEBRIDGE: There’s a bloody long garden path leading to that back door.
Senator ROBERTS: I’ve worked and lived in New Zealand, turning around a business there for 12 months. They’re wonderful people. But Winston Peters is concerned that their immigration system is being used for quick entry into New Zealand to go to Australia.
Senator Watt: That’s a question for New Zealand to address.
Senator ROBERTS: It’s also a question for Australia to address, and that’s what I’m doing on behalf of the taxpayers. Minister, I agree with you on one point: mass immigration was started by John Howard’s government. It was pretty much doubled since then in Scott Morrison’s government, and then you tripled it in the early days of 2023-24. Senator Watt: What’s NOM stand for?
Ms Foster: Net overseas migration.
Senator Watt: Actually, net overseas migration has fallen by 45 per cent over the last 12 or 18 months. I can get you the exact timeframe.
Senator ROBERTS: You had two very high years, a low year and now a very high year again.
Senator Watt: Yes, after COVID.
Senator ROBERTS: You’re playing with numbers.
Senator Watt: It’s another one of those ones. We’re never going to convince you.
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, have you got a question?
Senator ROBERTS: I go by the data.
Senator Watt: During COVID, migration crashed. After COVID—
Senator ROBERTS: Correct.
Senator Watt: lots of people came home. Migration rose. We have now reduced NOM by about 45 per cent by—
Senator ROBERTS: That’s misleading, Minister, because—
Senator Watt: No; it’s actually called facts.
Senator ROBERTS: it increased dramatically under Morrison to re-establish what he thought were the right numbers of migration. Then you almost doubled it, then you decreased it slightly, and now you’re doubling it again.
Senator Watt: So we should have told all those Australians who wanted to come home after COVID that they weren’t allowed home?
Senator ROBERTS: No, not at all. I’m talking about immigrant—
CHAIR: Can I interject for a second here—
Senator ROBERTS: Mass immigration—mass immigration.
CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I am not hearing any questions from you. Can I take it you have finished this line of questions?
https://img.youtube.com/vi/oXxezrA2pN8/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2026-08-13 16:03:442026-08-13 16:03:4671% Visas Granted Without Points Test
Right now, the top brass in the Defence Force is avoiding responsibility, and the Labor government is letting them get away with it. Why hold a Royal Commission into veteran suicide or an inquiry into honours and awards if the government is just going to ignore the findings?
One Nation proudly stands with Senator Jacqui Lambie’s urgent motion.
We are calling on the government to hold the top brass accountable; adhere to legal and moral obligations to our ADF members; and ensure no ADF member is denied legal protections or access to justice just because they are serving overseas.
It’s time to end sexual discrimination and ensure every man and woman in uniform is protected under the law.
It’s time to fix this problem.
— March | Senate Speech
Transcript
Senator Roberts: I thank Senator Lambie for moving this motion. The Australian Defence Force, as Senator Paterson has just said, protects us and it relies upon its people to do so, and we need to protect the Australian Defence Force people.
One Nation supports getting this on the record and noted urgently—urgently! I agree with Senator Gallagher; this place is a shambles, and the Labor government is making it even worse. Labor is destroying formal motions. We saw yesterday a stunt persecuting and denying Pauline Hanson justice that was cooked up days in advance. It was in the media. So, yes, we agree with you; this place is a shambles. The top brass in the Defence Force is avoiding responsibility and that is what Senator Lambie is after here.
Why have a royal commission into veteran suicide, why have an inquiry into honours and awards and just ignore both of them—ignore everything—and just let the top brass run? We need to hold the top brass accountable.
As I read this motion, Senator Lambie is calling the government to immediately abandon this position, adhere to its legal and moral obligations to ADF members and ensure that no ADF members are denied legal protections or access to justice because they were serving outside of the Australia at the direction of the Commonwealth. She just wants women to be protected. She wants all people in the Defence Force to be protected. The key issue here is sexual discrimination and an answer from the government to fix this problem regardless of whether it goes to court.
A Comcare investigation alleged that the Department of Defence committed serious workplace health and safety breaches. Defence knew the “TopOwl” helmet displays could show incorrect altitudes yet overrode internal systems anyway, sending pilots into low-altitude, night-time conditions.
Why did the Commonwealth prosecutor decline to press charges? Surely they should release their legal reasoning to give the victims’ families closure.
Senator Farrell acknowledged the tragedy and confirmed that Comcare handed its investigation findings over to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions. However, he declined to provide further details or release the prosecutor’s legal reasoning, stating that independent investigations by the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force and the Queensland Coroner are still active. The government maintains it is inappropriate to comment on or interfere with these ongoing processes.
September 2025 | Question Time
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: My question is to the Minister representing the Attorney-General, Senator Farrell. We remember Captain Daniel Lyon, Lieutenant Maxwell Nugent, Warrant Officer Class Two Joseph Phillip Laycock and Corporal Alexander Naggs. Minister, the Comcare investigation into the fatal Taipan Defence helicopter crash in the Whitsundays, released in response to my order for the production of documents, revealed the national health and safety investigator alleged serious breaches of workplace health and safety laws by the Department of Defence. There has been no explanation for why the Commonwealth prosecutor did not lay charges, despite these clear findings. Minister, given this new information, will the government release the Commonwealth prosecutor’s reasons for not pressing charges, despite the allegations from Comcare to give the families of the crash victims closure and ensure that these allegations are properly tested in court?
Senator Farrell: I thank the senator for his question. This issue obviously is an issue concerning the Attorney-General, but, as you have said, Senator, we do recognise and pay tribute to the fallen MRH-90 aircrew who were lost in Lindeman Island on 28 July 2023. As to the specifics of your question, Comcare is the independent federal work health and safety regulator responsible for monitoring and enforcing compliance with the Commonwealth Work Health and Safety Act. In July 2023, Comcare began an investigation of potential work health and safety offences relating to the fatal crash which you referred to in your question. The investigation focused on the Department of Defence’s duty owed to workers under the Commonwealth Work Health and Safety Act. Comcare conducted a thorough investigation and have provided their findings to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions. There are ongoing independent investigations on this matter by the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force and the Queensland coroner, who is also supported by the Queensland police. As these investigations are ongoing, it would be inappropriate to comment on them at this stage.
The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, first supplementary?
Senator ROBERTS: Minister, the clarity of these Comcare documents provides a real justification to waive the immunity on legal advice and understand why this case was not progressed on behalf of the victims’ families. Do you accept there are genuine grounds to understand why? Will the government release the reasons why the prosecutor chose not to follow the advice Comcare provided?
Senator Farrell: I thank Senator Roberts for his second supplementary question. I don’t believe the Attorney-General does believe that in these circumstances. There are certain relatively fundamental principles that apply in all these cases where further investigations are being undertaken. We feel great compassion for the families of the people who were lost in this terrible accident. There are investigations underway. I think the Senate ought to leave those investigations to the appropriate authorities to make a final determination of the issue. I think that’s the appropriate course of action in these circumstances.
These questions are directed at the Australian Skills Quality Authority (ASQA) where I wanted to get clear answers on the scale of misconduct within our vocational education and training (VET) sector, and to find out exactly what is being done to shut down rogue Registered Training Organisations (RTOs).
As of late 2025, ASQA had cancelled 16 critically non-compliant providers, issued notices of intent to cancel credentials to over 36,600 individuals, and ultimately stripped more than 30,000 people of improperly issued qualifications.
My primary focus remains on criminal accountability for blatant scams, such as RTOs selling qualifications for cash. To ensure these operators face justice, ASQA is actively sharing intelligence with the Fraud Fusion Taskforce, including the ATO, ASIC, and the ACIC, and passing critical financial details to law enforcement.
We must ensure these rogue operators cannot simply close up shop and re-enter the market under a different name.
At the same time, any student caught purchasing fake credentials must be deported.
— February | Senate Estimates
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for appearing tonight. Good evening. My question is pretty brief. I understand that, by the end of 2025, ASQA deregistered 11 critically non-compliant registered training organisations and 31,000 qualifications they had issued, affecting 25,000 people. Is this accurate? Is it the latest data?
Ms Rice: The latest data is that, as at 31 December 2025, we have cancelled 16 critically non-compliant providers. We have issued notices of intent to cancel qualifications and/or statements of attainment to more than 36,600 individuals. Of that figure, we have cancelled the qualifications and/or statements of attainment of just over 30,000 individuals.
Senator ROBERTS: Thirty thousand people. How many qualifications? Roughly 37,000?
Ms Rice: Sorry, no. It is 36,600. We’ve issued a notice of intent to individuals.
Senator ROBERTS: That is in addition to the 30,000 you’ve cancelled?
Ms Rice: No, sorry. It is a subset. It is 36,600. Of that 36,600, just over 30,000 we have actually cancelled. That is as at 31 December 2025.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Your enforcement team investigated 189 serious matters involving 154 providers with 74 per cent relating to serious fraud. Wouldn’t they all be committing fraud? They are handing over a certificate that they knew was improperly issued and kept the money the student paid for the tuition. Shouldn’t they all have been charged with fraud?
Ms Rice: Those are investigations on foot. The current data in relation to that is we have, I believe, 201 serious matters currently under investigation relating to 136 providers. The difference in there is because we also have serious matters under investigation in relation to non-RTOs or individuals or joint investigations with other partner agencies or law enforcement. I guess it is pre-emptive. We certainly have concerns about fraud in relation to all of those matters, but they are all at various stages of investigation.
Senator ROBERTS: You can’t categorise them yet?
Ms Rice: No. That’s right.
Senator ROBERTS: So I’m on the right track. I can see the cancellations in the CRICOS panel.
Ms Rice: Yes.
Senator ROBERTS: Where are the charges for fraud on the owners, managers and administrators of these companies?
Ms Rice: That’s a good question, Senator. We have undertaken a number of civil and criminal prosecutions or worked certainly with the CDPP. We don’t bring those matters ourselves.
Senator ROBERTS: You don’t run them yourselves?
Ms Rice: No. The Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions does. We provide a brief around some of those matters. In many of these cases, we have certainly made adverse findings from a fit and proper person perspective as part of the investigations. That is certainly relevant in order to, again, work with other partner agencies on the implications of that. It is also important in terms of preventing their re-entry into the VET sector. But it remains an ongoing program of work in relation to the individuals associated with this work.
Senator ROBERTS: Once it is completed, the names will come out?
Ms Rice: Typically, there will be names associated with the cancellation decisions that we’ve—
Senator ROBERTS: I mean the officers of companies—administrators, managers—will be exposed?
Ms Rice: That’s right. We work closely with ASIC and other regulators from that perspective, including the ATO.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Some of the RTOs were running obvious scams. One sold the qualifications for cash. How many others were dealing in cash? Was any of this reported to the ATO for tax fraud?
Ms Rice: Certainly in all of the matters we have dealt with in this space, we have shared our intelligence and information with our Fraud Fusion partners, which includes the tax office.
Senator ROBERTS: What partners did you call them?
Ms Rice: The Fraud Fusion Taskforce partners.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. What is to stop these people opening up another RTO ad running the same thing but this time different, having learned how not to get caught?
Ms Rice: Well, Senator, we are certainly very alert to the risk of individuals re-entering the market. That is where we have been particularly focused on including the reforms to the fit and proper person requirements so that we can be alert to individuals as much as entities seeking—
Senator ROBERTS: Do you track individuals?
Ms Rice: Yes, we do. We’ve also been uplifting our focus of assessment on market entrants. It remains a significant area of focus for us. We’re also alert to it, though, as I mentioned earlier, in relation to the change of ownership of RTOs.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Did you seize any money from the fraudulent RTOs as proceeds of crime?
Ms Rice: No, Senator. That would be for law enforcement.
Senator ROBERTS: That is what I expected. Did you report it to the police?
Ms Rice: Again, I guess we have certainly informed our Fraud Fusion partners about—
Senator ROBERTS: Who are they?
Ms Rice: There’s 22, I think, Fraud Fusion partners. It certainly includes the ATO, ASIC, the ACIC, NDIA and our portfolio department in DEWR. I can certainly provide you with the—
Senator ROBERTS: So basically, other government departments?
Ms Rice: That’s right. I can certainly provide you on notice with the list of members and the terms of reference for the taskforce.
Senator ROBERTS: If you could, please. Why not the police? That would put these criminals behind bars.
Ms Rice: Well, certainly in some cases, Senator, we’ve worked with state law enforcement in relation to some of those matters. If it would assist, Senator, I’m happy to come back to you on notice with some more of the specifics from that perspective.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. This is my last question. Has the Education Legislation Amendment (Integrity and Other Measures) Bill 2025 that was passed last year made it easier to deal with rogue RTOs, or is it too early to tell?
Ms Rice: It’s a good question, Senator. I think it is part of a suite of integrity measures. Together with the other measures, it has certainly helped to ensure greater alignment between the two pieces of legislation that we deal with the most in the ESOS Act and the NVR Act. It has certainly ensured consistency between those two acts from an integrity perspective. So we’re working through the implementation of that and certainly supportive of those changes.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Chair, I want to put it on the record that for the second time today I’m going to compliment someone for the answers they’ve put—prompt, clear and concise. Thank you so much.
During my questioning of Australian Institute of Family Studies Director Ms Neville, I asked about the agency’s funding, definitions of family, and research focus.
The AIFS operates on an annual budget of approximately $23 million, consisting of a $4.7 million departmental appropriation and around $18 million in government-commissioned revenue.
I questioned Ms Neville on whether broadening the definition of “family” to include diverse structures, single parents and kin risks making the term meaningless. I also asked whether the institute’s remit has evolved since its establishment under the Family Law Act 1975.
I raised several concerns regarding the agency’s reporting on relationship dynamics and domestic duties, referencing Australian and international statistics on work hours, commutes, and divorce rates among different coupling types.
I’m not sure if this agency has left me confident they are genuine in providing data for Australian families. What I am sure of is that One Nation believes in promoting traditional family units rather than narratives of victimhood.
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for appearing, Ms Neville. The name of your agency is the Australian Institute of Family Studies. Could you please define ‘family’.
Ms Neville: Families have been taken to include many diverse forms in contemporary Australia. It may include married, cohabiting and de facto relationships, but it might also include blended families, stepfamilies, same-sex families, families with disability and other families representing a range of different population groups.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. That’s clear. Your income is composed partly of government allocations and partly income from commissioned research. Could you please provide your total budget, how much is allocation and how much is earned income?
Ms Neville: AIFS receives a departmental appropriation of around $4.7 million per annum and in the order of about $18 million in commissioned revenue.
Senator ROBERTS: So the total budget is about $23 million?
Ms Neville: The commissioned revenue amount varies from year to year.
Senator ROBERTS: But this year it’ll be $23 million?
Ms Neville: Correct.
Senator ROBERTS: What percentage of earned income is on behalf of a client who’s also in government or government funded?
Ms Neville: All of our commissioned revenue is for government clients.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Your agency was created in 1980 under a provision of the Family Law Act 1975, section 114B, which sets the functions of the director of the Australian Institute of Family Studies as: … to promote, by the conduct, encouragement and co—ordination of research and other appropriate means, the identification of, and development of understanding of, the factors affecting marital and family stability in Australia, with the object of promoting the protection of the family as the natural and fundamental group unit in society … Do you believe the work you do is in keeping with the protection of the family as the natural and fundamental group unit in society?
Ms Neville: I would take the view that AIFS is concerned with the family as the fundamental unit in society and that we take great care to explore factors that support family wellbeing, as well as the relations between families and societal institutions. Our remit has continued to evolve since we were established under an amendment to the Family Law Act in 1980.
Senator ROBERTS: In what way has your remit continued to evolve? Is it by legislation changes or society or—
Ms Neville: Primarily by virtue of being commissioned by government departments to perform research and evaluation that is broadly in line with our remit.
Senator ROBERTS: So other departments and agencies from the government have shaped what you’re doing?
Ms Neville: Where it aligns to our purpose and our function, yes, that’s right.
Senator ROBERTS: However, you’ve redrawn the meaning of ‘family’ to include any blood relative—’kin’, I think, is your word—divorced families and care by others. Your definition of ‘family’ is, in short, anything comprising two or more people, who don’t even need to live together. Are you making the word ‘family’ meaningless?
Ms Neville: I don’t accept that characterisation, no.
Senator ROBERTS: I take it that you’re saying no. The explanatory memorandum to the Family Law Act provides further context in stating the reason for your agency was to provide eyes on the quite substantial changes made to the Family Law Act to assess the impact of it on families. That was a big concern because it was introduced in 1975, I believe, by the Whitlam government—Attorney-General Lionel Murphy. So this would have been soon after. The fundamental assumption in your enabling legislation is that divorce may be the enemy of family. Does the Australian Institute of Family Studies consider divorce as having a negative impact on family? Feel free to define or interpret ‘impact’ as you choose.
Ms Neville: The then government’s decision to introduce no-fault divorce had a very significant impact in terms of responding to latent demand for divorce. There was a huge spike in the number of applications for divorce in moving from the previous state based arrangements to the establishment of the family law system at a federal level. So there was a significant change that occurred, which was the government’s decision, and AIFS was established to monitor the changes to families in the wake of that significant decision. We have continued to monitor those trends, including the diverse forms of family that we now find in Australian society.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for that perceptive observation about no-fault divorce. You mentioned the words ‘significant changes’, so I’m just clarifying; I’m not trying to put words in your mouth. Are you saying divorce doesn’t affect families because a single mum and a child are still a family and the single dad by himself, who was formerly in the married family, is still family, even if he doesn’t live with his with his family or children? Is that correct?
Ms Neville: Single-parent families are a form of family, most certainly.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. I charted the evolving reasons the Australian Institute of Family Studies has provided for rising divorce rates. Your 1999 research report titled ‘Towards understanding the reasons for divorce’ talked about rising divorce rates linked to social changes such as greater female economic independence, shifting expectations of marriage from duty to personal fulfilment, and declining stigma around divorce. By 2012, which was just 13 years later, the explanation had moved to separation dynamics, including family violence, conflict and relationship quality. Have I missed a clear statement from you on the causes of divorce since this 2012 statement? If I have, what was it, please? Has there been a newer statement than 2012?
Ms Neville: Senator, are you referring to AIFS research in 2012? It’s not clear to me what you’re referring to there.
Senator ROBERTS: The evolving reasons the Australian Institute of Family Studies has provided for rising divorce rates. Have you made any changes or additions since 2012 report?
Ms Neville: We produce facts and figures resources that draw from ABS and census data that provide roughly annual updates on patterns of divorce and separation. So, yes, we continue to monitor those trends.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you, Ms Neville. That’s your core mandate. Your report titled ‘Couple relationships in Australia today’, dated March 2026, mentioned marriage rates and duties or responsibilities but not divorce. I noted it included the mandatory inclusion of overseas data showing men don’t do enough housework. Why didn’t you use Australian data, including your own HILDA data, which shows the difference is explained by fathers commuting much longer and working longer hours out of home than mothers where both are working full time? Why don’t you put balance into these anti-father digs sprinkled through your work?
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I wonder if we could maybe rephrase some of the questioning. Ms Neville is trying to answer your questions, but there’s an awful lot of emotive language in there.
Ms Neville‘s here to answer questions about the work of the Australian Institute of Family Studies.
Senator ROBERTS: We’re not using Australian data with a clear explanation and instead are preferring overseas data. Is that putting balance into your work?
Ms Neville: Senator, I’m not sure what data you’re referring to.
ACTING CHAIR: Maybe you could give us a reference, Senator Roberts, to one of the reports.
Senator ROBERTS: I can’t. I’m sorry. I’ve got this much stuff—
ACTING CHAIR: It’s very difficult for the witness to respond to—
Senator ROBERTS: Hang on, here it is.
ACTING CHAIR: assertions as opposed to data.
Senator ROBERTS: I have it here. The University of Melbourne published a study in 2024 which said that mothers working full time do 1.5 hours a week of extra housework above fathers working full time. One and a half hours is less than the extra hours a man works or commutes to support his family. There’s no substance to the housework female victimhood argument that the AIFS promotes.
ACTING CHAIR: Again, Senator Roberts, you’re asking the witness to respond to somebody else’s report that she may or may not have read and certainly is unlikely to have in front of her.
Senator ROBERTS: Well, if you’re comfortable responding to it, do so. If not, don’t worry about it.
Ms Neville: I was just going to say I can’t comment on research produced by the University of Melbourne, Senator. I’m not familiar with it.
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you.
CHAIR, do you have the graphs that I sent around?
ACTING CHAIR: Yes. You are at the point where I’m going to need to rotate the call.
Senator ROBERTS: I’m almost done.
ACTING CHAIR: Alright. The graph has been circulated.
Senator ROBERTS: Let’s drill down on the graph. This is USA data.
ACTING CHAIR: Again, we’re in Australia.
Senator ROBERTS: Fifty-first state!
ACTING CHAIR: No, Senator Roberts, we most certainly are not.
Senator ROBERTS: Good. This USA data, which you also use, shows the different divorce rates by type of coupling. This shows lesbian couples have a 20-year divorce rate of 59.1 per cent, as against male-female marriages, at 39.3 per cent, and gay male marriages, at 29.3 per cent. These are significant differences that must have a reason, which you would have come across during the AIFS’s 45 years of study of families. Can you explain the difference, please.
ACTING CHAIR: Again, Senator Roberts, I’m going to tell you that you have provided some American data to Ms Neville, and we’re here to talk about the Australian Institute of Family Studies in Australia.
Senator ROBERTS: Do you cover this topic?
Ms Neville: I have not seen this graph before.
Senator ROBERTS: No, forget the graph for a minute. Do you cover this topic?
Senator Ayres: I do think, Senator, that it’s utterly legitimate to ask the witness questions about reports that the institute has prepared and issued, evidence that they have collected or relied upon and the way that they allocate their funds, but I think it is hard to ask for an opinion from a witness about a graph that’s been prepared by somebody else and that they haven’t seen before.
Senator ROBERTS: Yes, I can appreciate that view, Minister. Eighty per cent of the Australian Institute of Family Studies’ income comes from earned income and commissioned studies, four times as much as our budget allocations. I was just wondering if Ms Neville can talk about the research in Australia, if you’ve done any research in Australia on this topic.
Ms Neville: I personally haven’t undertaken research on this topic, Senator. I am happy to refer you to our facts and figures publications, which do produce trend data about changes in patterns of separation, divorce and marriage.
Senator ROBERTS: Minister, section—
ACTING CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I am going to have to rotate the call.
Senator ROBERTS: Last question.
ACTING CHAIR: Last question.
Senator ROBERTS: Minister, section 114C of the Family Law Act provides you with the powers of direction to undertake specific activities within these functions and set priorities for them. Have you provided the Australian Institute of Family Studies with any directions regarding the operation of their functions?
Senator Ayres: That would be a novel power for the minister for industry to have.
Senator ROBERTS: Yes. I mean the minister you represent.
Senator Ayres: I have certainly not provided any of that kind of direction. It’s very unlikely that—
Senator ROBERTS: Has the minister provided it?
Senator Ayres: Given some of the questions that you’ve asked about the differential role of people pulling their weight at home, I reckon you’re on your own there, Senator.
Senator ROBERTS: One Nation thinks it’s time to promote families, not victimhood.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/zTMdpIVK7X8/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2026-08-07 16:03:092026-08-07 16:03:13Redefining “Family”: Is the Meaning Being Lost?
