During this estimates session with the Administrative Review Tribunal (ART), I asked questions regarding the scale of visa appeals they are reviewing – and it’s worse than expected.

Migration cases now make up 56% of the entire tribunal workload, with student visas alone accounting for 35%. The backlog is astonishing.

77,938 migration cases, 52,452 student visa cases, and 130,983 cases overall waiting for hearing. Protection visas add another 37,830, and even NDIS reviews are climbing.

The tribunal admitted its receiving around 90,000 applications a year, but is only funded to finalise 60,000, meaning the backlog grows by 30,000 every year.

When asked when this backlog is expected to be cleared, the answer was blunt and honest. On present numbers, they have no reasonable expectation.

The tribunal is drowning. A system meant for genuine review is being overloaded, under-funded and pushed beyond capacity, while taxpayers foot the bill for backlog that grows every single day.

Much of the fault lies with Australian universities, who aggressively market their degrees by promising students a fast track to permanent residency. This is often done through third-party brokers employed by the universities.

How long will the Government let the Tribunal drown before doing its job and and fixing this mess?

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: I may have heard, on the tail end of what Senator Cash was saying, you going through some categories, so, if I do, forgive me for repeating them. Which is the largest category of applications for review currently before the tribunal? I think you said it’s student visas.  

Mr Hawkins: Yes. It’s in the migration case load. I hope you’re going to be wearing a maroon tie tomorrow!  

Senator ROBERTS: State of Origin.  

Senator CASH: I’ll even agree with that, as a Western Australian!  

Senator ROBERTS: I’m supporting coal today!  
 
Mr Hawkins: The highest case load is migration and the student visas within that.  
 
Senator ROBERTS: What would be the proportion of migration and then the proportion of that that’s students?  
 
Mr Hawkins: If I can say, migration is 56 per cent of our total case load. Within that, students represent 35 per cent of our total case load.  
 
Senator ROBERTS: How many of these applications are waiting for hearing?  
 
Mr Hawkins: Waiting for hearing, which is cases on hand—in migration we have 77,938 on hand. We have 52,452 student visas on hand. Across the total tribunal we have 130,983.  

Senator ROBERTS: Wow. No wonder you’re ‘aware’. What are the other major categories for review before the tribunal?  

Mr Hawkins: Our biggest case loads are working, skilled and investment visas. We have 13,983 on hand. For protection, we have 37,830, which is 29 per cent of our on-hand case load. For NDIS we have 7,136, which represents five per cent of our case load.  

Senator ROBERTS: Although that’s only five per cent, I heard you say that you’re worried about that because of the potential for growth.  

Mr Hawkins: Only from the sense of the media talk of what reforms are going to happen. As there’s nothing legislated, I can’t comment any further. As I said to Senator Cash, I’m alert but not alarmed.  

Senator ROBERTS: Could I get, on notice, a breakdown of all the categories and their numbers?  

Mr Hawkins: Of each list that we have?  

Senator ROBERTS: Yes.  

Mr Hawkins: I can do that for you.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. You’ve given me the total. This question could be difficult: When do you envisage this backlog will be reduced to an acceptable managed workload? What is a well-managed workload?  

Mr Hawkins: I guess a manageable case load is what we are funded to achieve. If it’s 100 per cent case load that we want to achieve, we need to have 100 per cent funding. As I explained to Senator Cash before, an issue we have with our funding is that we do actually have a cap in it, which is based on our ability to accommodate members to be able to do that work. At the moment our cap is 345 FTE of members, which is equivalent to about 60,000 finalisations, but we’re receiving about 90,000.  

Senator ROBERTS: There are 90,000 coming in, so you’re going backwards 30,000.  

Senator CASH: Every year?  

Mr Hawkins: Yes.  

Senator ROBERTS: What’s the reason for that?  

Mr Hawkins: Because we have a cap on our ability to accommodate members at the moment. As I also explained to Senator Cash, some of the initiatives that the Senate has been able to give us, such as being able to do student visas as a decision on the paper, will give us some flexibility as to how we accommodate our members. We might be able to have a number of members being able to do those types of cases from home because there’s no hearing involved. We have an initiative that every member in the tribunal will do 10 per cent of their case load as a student visa. So we’re trying to make inroads in that way as well.  

Senator ROBERTS: When do you expect the backlog to be cleared?  

Mr Hawkins: On present numbers, I don’t. I cannot have a reasonable expectation.  

Senator ROBERTS: Minister, any comments to add?  

Senator Green: Is there a question, Senator?  

Senator ROBERTS: Yes. The tribunal are saying that they’ve got a workload that is increasing, not decreasing.  

Senator Green: I think, as Mr Hawkins alluded to in the comments he made, probably before you entered the room—apologies, Senator Roberts—it’s a demand driven funding model. We’re currently considering applications for additional members because we do acknowledge that more members definitely are required. Applications have been received for additional deputy president and senior member recruitment rounds, and the department can take you through the process for those rounds. As Mr Hawkins has alluded to, the Senate has also made some changes to the way that student visas are being considered so they can be considered on the papers, and there are regulations that are imminent to allow that to happen.  

Senator ROBERTS: How many members of the tribunal are there?  

Mr Hawkins: We will have 423 members as at 1 July, representing 347.5 FTE.  

Senator ROBERTS: So you’ll be able to tell us more at supplementary estimates in November?  

Mr Hawkins: I certainly will.  

Senator ROBERTS: So it’s early days. Is there any way of getting a handle on the cost of each review to the taxpayer?  

Mr Hawkins: It’s a very complex formula because every matter is different. For example, a social security matter might take a day; a complex tax matter could take two weeks. So it’s very difficult to determine a cost per decision. We could calculate it on an average basis across each decision, and I could share with you a unit cost which shows that this tribunal today is more efficient than it’s ever been.  

Senator ROBERTS: Would you do that, please?  

Mr Hawkins: Let me just find the appropriate note. This is allowing for CPI adjustment and a weighted cost per unit. In 2025-26, year to date, our unit cost is $2,250.88.  

Senator ROBERTS: That’s for a hearing?  

Mr Hawkins: Yes. To give you an indication, in 2020-21 it was $3,053, and in 2015-16 it was $2,769.  

Senator ROBERTS: So it’s coming down?  

Mr Hawkins: Yes. Where we have to be most efficient is, again, in that funding model, because we are receiving 91,000 applications a year, but we can’t just do the 60,000 that we’re funded for. At the front end we still have to deal with the 90,000 in some way. There are case management events that take place. There’s outreach with those 90,000 cases. Also, it’s very difficult to calculate unit costs because unit costs might be based on a finalisation, but in fact we’re touching matters, all matters, that come in our front door. Of those 130,000 matters that I mentioned before, there are touchpoints all through that process that we can’t account for until it’s a finalisation, so it’s a very complex calculation.  

Senator ROBERTS: Minister, I won’t ask the tribunal for an opinion but I’ll ask you: is there any work on alternative systems and processes? I’m not suggesting we should do that, but it sounds pretty overwhelming.  

Senator Green: I think we’ve taken you through some of the steps that we’re implementing to assist the tribunal with its work. Obviously, merits review is a really important part of responsible and accountable government. Applications that are made, as you know, are made when an applicant disagrees with a reviewable decision; for example, when the government denies someone a visa—or a student visa, in this example. We’re looking at all of the different ways that we can reduce the workload but also provide the tribunal with the resources that they need to be able to make these decisions.  

Mr Hawkins: You yourself, Senator, have been facilitating that through the Senate with the reforms that you’ve given us; for example, the decision on the papers. I mentioned before that the parliament has given the president powers to authorise registrars to handle matters more expeditiously. I think Senator Cash before was alluding to what more we can ask for, and perhaps there is space in the decision on the papers area for us to consider into the future, but at the moment we’re going to master the powers that we have.  

Senator ROBERTS: So we should know more by the November supplementary estimates. Is this process of using the Administrative Review Tribunal for appeals being exploited by those wishing to stay in Australia who have no right to be here?  

Mr Hawkins: That’s not a matter for me to answer.  

Senator ROBERTS: Minister?  

Senator Green: There are a range of cases and reasons why people make applications. I’ll take that as a comment from you, Senator, rather than a question to me. 

I asked why the Prime Minister needed a 20-person security detail to visit a Lakemba Mosque, something he’s never needed for a church or a meeting with other Australians.

Labor dodged the question and moralised instead.

When the PM needs that level of protection yet Australians are told their concerns are “offensive”, the double standard couldn’t be clearer.

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. Videos posted of the incident involving the Prime Minister at Lakemba Mosque last Friday show, by my count, 20 people in the security team, including uniformed officers from New South Wales Police who took up a position inside. One Nation leader Senator Hanson remarked only three weeks ago that Lakemba wasn’t safe for everyday Australians. If the Prime Minister organised a 20-person security detail in advance to provide security for the visit, doesn’t that prove the Prime Minister believed Lakemba Mosque was not a safe place for him to visit? 

Senator Ayres: You should be ashamed. 

The PRESIDENT: Before I call the minister, I’m going to remind everyone, particularly those on my right, once again that Senator Roberts has the right to ask his question in silence.  

Senator WONG: It is telling that the two questions I get on Lakemba are from the Greens and One Nation. Perhaps the Greens political party could reflect on their polarisation of this debate. 

Senator Faruqi: You must think you’re so clever. 

Senator WONG: No, not particularly, but I think there is ethics in politics, Senator Faruqi. Senator Roberts, I’m sorry. I disagree with most of what is included in your question, and I again go back to the answer I gave to Senator Faruqi recently. There are Australians who are rightly distressed by the conflict in Gaza, the loss of life and what we have seen. That is a legitimate position for people to hold. But the way to deal with differences of views—and there are differences of views on this—is not to disengage, but nor is it to seek to turn up the temperature. And nor is it to try and make people angry, which is what we see from the corner here of the Greens. I would say to you, Senator, it is a good thing for the Prime Minister of the country to go to a mosque and to engage with Australian Muslims. That is a good thing. That is about our social cohesion. That is about recognising that we have differences, different faiths, in a pluralistic society and that we can respect and celebrate all faiths. What I say to you is we should, as politicians, work to inculcate a society, work to protect a society where we can have differences of views and differences of opinion without anger and without division. And that is what we will work for. 

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, first supplementary?

Senator ROBERTS: My question was about whether or not the Prime Minister felt safe. On 4 March, the Albanese government listed Hizb ut-Tahrir as a prohibited hate organisation. Social media has already identified at least one of those displaying violent behaviour to be a member of Hizb ut-Tahrir, based on his social media posts. Minister, will your government arrest anyone associated with Hizb ut-Tahrir who acted violently towards the Prime Minister and towards other Muslims last Friday? 

Senator WONG: I have two points, Senator Roberts. The first is there is a separation of powers, and politicians don’t arrest people. The second point, the more important one, is you voted against the legislation under which Hizb ut-Tahrir was prescribed. This is so typical of One Nation! It is all complaints, but, when there is a solution, you stand in the way of it. We proudly put forward legislation which increased the capacity of governments to deal with groups that were engaging in hatred. You voted against that, and now you complain about it. 

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, second supplementary? 

Senator ROBERTS: The Prime Minister has never needed a 20-person security detail to attend a Christian church in his time as Prime Minister, nor to attend a meeting of everyday Australians. Is it true, Minister, that social cohesion in the hands of the Albanese government simply means surrendering to radical Islam? 

Senator WONG: I do hope that members of the Liberal Party listened to that question and recognised that the result in South Australia, the success of that party over there, is fuelled by your preferences. You are delivering them votes and seats in South Australia. I hope you think about that. I hope you think about that. I hope you think about that. I hope you think about the fact that you are fuelling support for the party that is now cannibalising you. You are fuelling their support. 

Honourable senators interjecting— 

The PRESIDENT: Order! I would ask all senators to please refrain from (1) interjecting, and (2) pointing across the chamber. 

Senator WONG: You use the phrase ‘everyday Australians’. Well, everyday Australians come from all walks of life, all faiths, all backgrounds. That’s what we believe. Everyday Australians come as Hindus, as Sikhs, as Muslims, as Christians, as members of the Jewish community. They are all everyday Australians. (Time expired) 

The PRESIDENT: I will just advise the Senate that Senator Babet has given his question to Senator Whitten.

A question I asked Minister Don Farrell back in March.

From the start, One Nation opposed the UN’s net zero policies and will continue to oppose.

Will the Uniparty fully embrace coal, oil, and gas as being essential for modern civilisation and commit to true national self-sufficiency across our entire hydrocarbon supply chain, from drilling to the petrol pump?

I doubt it!

— March | Senate Debate

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: Minister, from the start, One Nation has completely opposed the United Nations net zero scam. Only One Nation has said from the start and continues to say, ‘Scrap United Nations’s net zero.’ The Nationals say, ‘Scrap net zero by 2050.’ They support the net zero concept but want to delay implementation. The Liberals say the same. They still support UN’s net zero; they just want to drop net zero by 2050. The Liberals started net zero under Prime Minister Morrison after he’d promised at the election just 18 months earlier not to adopt it. The Nationals went along with it blindly. The Labor Party has adopted One Nation suggestions— 

Senator Canavan: Barnaby did! 

Senator ROBERTS: He now realises he was wrong, and he’s probably said so, to his credit. That shows his integrity and courage. Labor has adopted One Nation’s suggestions. We were the first to raise the looming fuel crisis back on Monday 2 March, three days after the Israelis attacked Iran. We were ridiculed for that—called far-right-wing extremists, I think—by the Labor Party. I can distinctly visualise Senator Tim Ayres over there saying that as he pointed towards me. It doesn’t bother us, because we know that he was desperate. But we thank you for adopting so many of our policies over that last four weeks, and you’re still adopting them. Thank you. Will you adopt our advice to scrap UN net zero? Will you at least acknowledge that the hydrocarbon fuels coal, oil and natural gas are essential for modern civilisation—in particular, oil for transport? Will you acknowledge that we need to be self-sufficient in the entire hydrocarbon supply chain, from drilling rig through to petrol pump?

Senator Farrell: I thank Senator Roberts for his question. I should congratulate you on your result in the South Australian elections, Senator Roberts. I know you came down and campaigned, certainly in the seat of Colton. I saw you down there with your candidate.

I have an apology to make to Senator Canavan. When I was answering one of his questions last week, I referred to the fact that, in his first outing as leader of the National Party, where he was going to take on One Nation, your candidates got 22 per cent of the vote, and I said in the Senate that the Nationals had got one per cent. I have to apologise to Senator Canavan; that was not correct. It was 0.7 of one per cent, not one per cent. So, in his first outing as leader, espousing all of the policy positions he’s just explained to this Senate, that was the result.

We do produce gas in this country, Senator Roberts, and we’ve produced it under this government. I’ve referred, in an earlier answer to Senator Canavan, to some of the places where we’re doing it. We’re doing it in the Barossa. We’re doing it in the Beetaloo. One day we might do it in Narrabri. We’re certainly increasing production in the Cooper Basin in South Australia. But we do have a commitment to net zero. That is, as you say, a commitment that both the Nationals and the coalition, at certain periods of time, have been committed to. Gas, in particular, is a transition fuel, Senator Roberts. It’s the way in which you get to net zero.

But right now we have an emergency. We need to ensure that our stocks of petrol, diesel and airline fuel continue to be available to businesses and consumers in this country. There is an emergency about dealing with this. What happens on the sea is that there are ships containing oil, petrol and airline fuel. They become available for purchase, and sometimes you’re only given 24 or 48 hours to make that purchase. The reason we have decided to use the facility of Export Finance Australia to bid for these products is that they’re a very nimble organisation, they’re very experienced in this space, they are run really well by a fellow called John Hopkins, they regularly report to me, and we see them as the best organisation to ensure that we act quickly on this.

Minister Bowen has ensured that, in combination with me and Minister King, we have taken all of the steps that we need to take to ensure that Australians continue to have access to all of those fuels that I just mentioned. But there is an urgency about this legislation. Despite everything Senator Canavan said, I’m not sure that he appreciates that urgency. We do need to get on with this, and the quicker we pass this legislation, the quicker we can get some certainty to businesses and consumers about the reliable supply of those fuels.

The TEMPORARY CHAIR (Senator Scarr): Senator Roberts, there’s only seventeen seconds left for the debate, but you have the call.

Senator ROBERTS: Minister, will you support One Nation’s initiative in recommending the conversion of gas to liquid fuels? You mentioned gas. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIR (Senator Scarr): I’m sorry, Minister, but, pursuant to the order agreed to yesterday, the time allotted on this bill has expired. 

I questioned the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) on why taxpayers are funding a new $5 million vaccine-adjuvant research centre when Australians still haven’t been given clear answers about the safety of existing adjuvants.

Their written response to my questions confirmed the project was funded simply because peer reviewers ranked it highly, saying that “there are only seven adjuvants used in license vaccines which limits the choice” and the NHMRC’s Centres of Research Excellence aims to “discover novel adjuvants to improve vaccine development.”

That’s not oversight – that’s the NHMRC waving through millions without addressing the real issues.

I asked directly whether concerns about aluminum-based adjuvants or neurological conditions played any role and they couldn’t give me an answer.

I also confirmed that any new vaccine technology developed with Australian taxpayer money WILL NOT be owned by Australians.

This is simply not good enough.

Taxpayers should not be funding research that lines the pockets of big pharmaceutical companies. Any intellectual property generated through these grants must belong to the taxpayers. Handing over valuable IP to entities to monetise at our expense provides zero return to the taxpayers.

This has to stop!

For a billion-dollar grant body, Australians deserve better than vague justifications and no clear outcomes.

Australians deserve accountability that matches the scale of the spending.

— February | Senate Estimates

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: Could I turn to the National Health and Medical Research Council, please. In 2025, the National Health and Medical Research Council funded the Vaccine Adjuvant Discovery and Development Centre of Research Excellence—CRE—led by Professor Katherine Andrews at Griffith University, with $5 million as part of a $72 million CRE package. This grant focuses on discovering new adjuvants to enhance vaccine efficacy, safety and related purposes. First question: Why do we need new adjuvants? What’s wrong with the existing adjuvants?  

Prof. Wesselingh: We assess grants through a peer review process. Through that process, we utilise experts from around Australia to assess all of the grants that come to us—whether it’s for a centre of research excellence, an investigator grant or an ideas grant. The way that CRE would’ve been assessed would’ve been through that peer review process. Through that peer review process, they would’ve been elevated to the top of that scheme and would’ve been funded on the basis of their peers indicating that this was high-quality research that was likely to have a significant impact on health in Australia. We would take that on board; therefore, if they were ranked accordingly, we would fund them.  

Senator ROBERTS: So you don’t know the reasons why their peers elevated it to No. 1?  

Prof. Wesselingh: I would have to go back and look at all of the assessments by those peers. Obviously, I don’t have that directly in front of me at the moment.  

Senator ROBERTS: Could you do that on notice, please? We’d like to know why that research was approved, why we need new adjuvants, and what’s wrong with the existing adjuvants? 

Prof. Wesselingh: I’m very happy to look back at the peer review. But what I can guarantee you is that they would have been regarded as excellent research likely to produce significant impact.  

Senator ROBERTS: I’d like to know what they are.  

Prof. Wesselingh: Sure.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Adjuvants and vaccines are there to enhance the body’s immune response to the antigen. Common adjuvants include aluminium hydroxide, aluminium phosphate, amorphous aluminium hydroxyphosphate sulphate and potassium aluminium sulphate. These have been widely linked to neurological conditions spontaneously occurring after vaccination. Is this program an admission that there might be a level of truth to the link between aluminium in vaccines and autism? I guess you wouldn’t know, because you don’t know the—  

Prof. Wesselingh: So you’re asking us if the fact that we funded the CRE is an admission? We, again, funded the CRE on the basis of the scores that the CRE obtained. Those scores would indicate the quality of the science and the likelihood of obtaining high-quality evidence to improve the health of Australians.  

Senator ROBERTS: Right, and you’re going to find the reason anyway, so perhaps you could check if there is any aspect of truth to the link between aluminium in vaccines and autism as part of the reasons for developing a new adjuvant?  

Prof. Wesselingh: We can certainly look at the arguments that the CRE made and the peer review of that CRE.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. If research is successful and you find an effective adjuvant that is not neurotoxic, who will own the intellectual property the taxpayers just funded?  

Prof. Wesselingh: The way our granting system works is that the intellectual property developed by—the people who get the grants from us, which are normally medical research institutes or universities or members of those organisations, own the intellectual property. So the intellectual property would be assigned according to a university’s intellectual property rules or a medical research institute’s rules. I’m not sure, with that CRE, where they were.  

Senator ROBERTS: A $5 million synergy grant was awarded in 2024 to a multi-institutional team, including Monash University, to optimise vaccines for respiratory viruses, like influenza and RSV. This includes evaluating safety profiles to improve protection while minimising risks. If that develops new technology which achieves that objective, who will own that IP?  

Prof. Wesselingh: Again, the IP would be organised according to the rules developed by the organisations as part of that synergy grant. Synergy grants tend to have a number of organisations from around Australia, so I imagine there are multiple universities and MRIs involved in that synergy grant, and they will have developed an IP policy and the IP will be owned according to that policy.  

Senator ROBERTS: But not by the Australian government?  

Prof. Wesselingh: Not by NHMRC or by the government.  

Senator ROBERTS: We’re very concerned about the level of spending in this government. Professor Bette Liu from the National Centre for Immunisation Research and Surveillance received a $2.79 million investigator grant in 2024 to study adult vaccination programs. This explicitly includes assessing vaccine safety, identifying risks in high-risk groups and informing safer program designs. What was the outcome of that grant?  

Prof. Wesselingh: Again, if I knew the outcomes of all of the grants that I fund—we fund a billion dollars worth of grants every year—I think I’d be pretty good. I can’t tell you the outcome of that grant, but we can take that on notice.  

Senator ROBERTS: But you still think you’re pretty good?  

Prof. Wesselingh: Do I think I’m personally pretty good or the NHMRC is very good?  

Senator ROBERTS: Both! Okay, thank you very much. 

I welcomed the ACCC’s decision to oppose the takeover of the insurance arm of the Royal Automobile Club of Western Australia by the IAG Group – and pushed hard on a bigger issue: the revolving door between regulators and major law firms.

I raised recent examples of senior ACCC figures moving straight into firms with competition clients, stressing that, even with separation deeds, the perception and potential for insider advantage remain.

Australians deserve a regulator beyond reproach, and senior officials shouldn’t be able to jump straight into the industries they once oversaw.

It’s time to restore integrity and end the cosy pipeline.

— February | Senate Estimates

Transcript

CHAIR: Senator Roberts.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for appearing again.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: It’s a pleasure.  

Senator ROBERTS: It was intriguing hearing some of your comments in answer to Senator Sharma—taking on Apple and mentioning Apple Pay and some of your other comments. I just use cash, because governments have been trying to get rid of cash, so we have to protect it. Anyway, it was very brave, so thank you for your refreshing comments. I’m going to start with a compliment, actually. In October, we discussed the growing concentration in the ownership of insurance companies. You mentioned you were reviewing the takeover of the insurance arm of the Royal Automobile Club of Western Australia by the IAG Group. I note that, on 11 December, the ACCC announced the takeover had been opposed on the basis of a reduction in competition. Thank you. That’s all I wanted to say on that. I hope this is the start of the end of market concentration in insurance.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: It was based upon a careful analysis of the market conditions in Western Australia. It is possible that transaction will be brought back to us under the mandatory merger notification regime. The parties did foreshadow that when we announced the opposition under the informal regime. So it may be reassessed.  

Senator ROBERTS: Tonight’s line of questioning is about a potential revolving door of staff between the ACCC and private legal firms. Are there restrictions on someone who is on the ACCC payroll, especially the executive, leaving and immediately taking a position in the business they may have just been regulating at ACCC.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: We require the entry into a separation deed that—  

Senator ROBERTS: What does that mean?  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: They enter into an agreement with the ACCC, which is a binding, enforceable agreement, to firstly preserve the confidentiality of the information that has been received and also to continue to observe obligations that applied under the employment in relation to conflict of interest. We did, in one case, specify a period of required leave before employment could be taken up in a private law firm, but we look at that question—beyond the general obligations in relation to conflict of interest and preservation of confidential information—on a case-by-case basis.  

Senator ROBERTS: Is signing that deed a requirement that the prospective employee must agree to before signing up?  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: Yes. Employees are obliged to do so, and commissioners enter into a code which, during the term, obliges us to comply with all statutory obligations and legal obligations and also to enter into that separation agreement upon leaving.  

Senator ROBERTS: That relies on trust. It would be very difficult to enforce it, because you don’t know what’s happening in the new employer’s offices.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: We have some observation because we see who comes before us. But, yes, we do not know what is being said.  

Senator ROBERTS: The Australian Financial Review has reported on this topic, and I’m considering legislation to stop politicians and senior bureaucrats leaving and going to work for a company they were just regulating. This practice is too commonplace. ACCC Commissioner Liza Carver—is that how you pronounce her name?  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: Yes.  

Senator ROBERTS: She left in May 2025, halfway through her term, and went to work for Herbert Smith Freehills. Is that correct?  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: It is correct.  

Senator ROBERTS: Did you address this move at the time, in respect of the perception—and I’m sure this was a false perception—that HSF bought off an effective commissioner with a large job offer?  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: I think that is an incorrect perception, and Ms Carver did sign a separation agreement.  

Senator ROBERTS: Commissioner Carver was the enforcement committee chair for the 2023-24 ACCC prosecution of BINGO bins. BINGO bins were represented by Herbert Smith Freehills. Bingo lost and were fined $30 million. In the Sigma Healthcare and Chemist Warehouse merger—  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: Sorry; just one moment. I should note that, to my knowledge, though it was resolved before I became chair, Ms McDonald would know Miss Carver was conflicted and did not participate in the consideration of BINGO matters when she came to the ACCC. 

Senator ROBERTS: Okay, thank you. In the Sigma Healthcare—Chemist Warehouse merger, Carver as deputy chair of the Mergers Review Committee participated in merger assessments in that period. The merger was approved in November 2024. Herbert Smith Freehills advised Chemist Warehouse—I’m not suggesting misconduct in any way by any party, but I am saying the capacity for corruption exists in these arrangements. I think you’re acknowledging that.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: We have a very clear and very strict conflict policy. Commissioners are required to disclose conflicts of all work that has been done, if they have been in private practice when they join the ACCC, that results, depending upon the extent of the seniority. If it’s a one-off transaction, it’s at one end of the spectrum; if it’s continued advising, it’s at another. If at the continued-advising level, that person will be conflicted and not have involvement in matters for that company for a number of years while at the ACCC. But, if a clear disclosure is given, the chair receives advice on it from our general counsel and our CEO, and I then take a recommendation to the commission, and we decide and record in a register the treatment of that conflict. So we take that very seriously. Frequently, for the initial period, when commissioners join, if they have been in private practice, they will be absented from a number of matters. They leave meetings, they don’t participate at all in the deliberations, they don’t receive papers, and they do not then participate in decision-making.  

Senator ROBERTS: Of course, I didn’t think of that, but there are potential conflicts entering ACCC as well as departing from ACCC.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: There are. There is an objective to bring in highly skilled and experienced people. We have many highly skilled and experienced people who have worked in the public service throughout their career, and they are significant—they are the majority of contributors in the ACCC, there is no doubt—but we also bring in and are keen to attract appropriate people with skill levels, and that requires careful management.  

Senator ROBERTS: I suppose it’s small, but there may be some people who want to get into ACCC so they can get out again later and use their contacts. It’s always a possibility.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: It’s a possibility. We do seek through our legal arrangements in the separation deed to manage this, but it’s a possibility.  

Senator ROBERTS: Jennifer Barron was promoted to general counsel for merger reform in early 2025—this is my last question—with a major task on the books: preparation for merger law changes. In late April 2025, King & Wood Mallesons announced her appointment as a partner in their national competition team in Sydney, a team which does merger cases. The law says this person can’t use direct knowledge of an upcoming event at the new company, but they can use any other insider information to make themselves a valuable new employee. Is there anything being done about that?  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: Ms Barron also entered into an agreement undertaking ongoing obligations to preserve confidential information.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you very much.  

Ms Cass-Gottlieb: My pleasure.

We know that no new laws would’ve stopped the Bondi atrocity. The real issue is why ASIO, the AFP and NSW Police didn’t act on the warnings they already had.

I asked the Official Secretary, Ms Anne Sheehan, of the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion how a terrorist on an ASIO watchlist was still able to get a firearms licence, what surveillance was actually happening, and why critical intelligence wasn’t shared.

The commission confirmed these failures will be scrutinized – including whether agencies simply didn’t do their job.

Australians deserve a Royal Commission that delivers real answers and a safer future for everyone.

Transcript

CHAIR: Senator Roberts?  

Senator ROBERTS: The commission found that no further legislative measures would have prevented the Bondi atrocity, but what could have been done by either ASIO, AFP or New South Wales police that could have prevented this atrocity?  

Ms Sheehan: In relation to the interim report, I’d note that we commenced our second hearing block today, which is expected to run for up to three weeks. The interim report identified that there are a number of issues that needed to be further examined during this next hearing block, and that’s what we’re doing at the moment. Other than what recommendations that the commission has made that are in the interim report itself, we need to wait and see what comes out of this hearing block.  

Senator ROBERTS: I can understand that. When will we find out? Is it in the next interim report?  

Ms Sheehan: If the commissioner determines that another report is required before the final report—there’s a final report that’s due by 14 December—it’s open to the commissioner to issue other recommendations or another report along the way if she considers it appropriate to do so. It’s too early to say whether it would be needed to do that, but it’s something that can be done.  

Senator ROBERTS: I can understand your sensitivity about this, and I can understand that a lot of people will be anxious to find out why ASIO, the AFP and the New South Wales police didn’t take action. Will the commission consider how one of the terrorists got a clearance to purchase a firearm when the person had been on a watchlist with ASIO?  

Ms Sheehan: In this hearing block, the commission is considering term of reference C, which goes to the circumstances in the lead-up to the Bondi attack. There will be a range of issues considered in that hearing block, some of which will be in public, and some will have to be held in closed session, either to avoid prejudicing the criminal trial or because it’s dealing with classified information.  

Senator ROBERTS: This may be another sensitive question. Were ASIO or the AFP aware that a firearms licence had been issued to one of the terrorists by the New South Wales weapons licensing branch?  

Ms Sheehan: That really goes to the substance of matters that the commission might be looking at. I couldn’t answer that.  

Senator ROBERTS: Will the commission consider what level of surveillance was directed to the murdering terrorists when they were already on ASIO’s radar?  

Ms Sheehan: Broadly, the factors that the commission is considering during this hearing block go to the terrorism threat level, the security environment in the lead-up to the attack, and the conduct of security, intelligence and law enforcement agencies relevant to the attack. I think that goes to the issue that you’ve just raised. It will also look at the security arrangements for the Chanukah by the Sea event, and how intelligence about individuals known to authorities is utilised and shared between agencies to then inform decisions made by security, intelligence and law enforcement agencies, including, for example, how individuals are monitored and how decisions in respect of firearms licence applications are made. Yes, those things will be looked at.  

Senator ROBERTS: The commission will consider if any agency did not perform their duties to protect Australians. That’s clear.  

Ms Sheehan: The commission will be looking at the conduct of intelligence and law enforcement agencies in relation to those issues I’ve outlined.  

Senator ROBERTS: Are you familiar with the letter from the royal commission to Gab, in the United States?  

Ms Sheehan: I don’t think so, no.  

Senator ROBERTS: The commission sent the social media company Gab, in the United States, a letter. From what the owner of Gab posted on social media, it’s not possible to get a clear idea of what your intent was. Can you please explain what that letter was all about? Do you want me to read the letter?  

Ms Sheehan: I don’t have that letter, so I think I would have to take it on notice.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Your letter included a statement that failure to comply with the notice carried a criminal penalty of 12 months in prison. Is it accurate to threaten a US citizen in the United States with a criminal prosecution under Australian law?  

Ms Sheehan: I don’t have that correspondence. I think it’s best if I take that on notice.  

Senator ROBERTS: Gab have used the United States first amendment as a defence to such actions in the past, including from our eSafety Commissioner. Could you tell me, on notice, why you’d take the action when you know the US constitution precludes you from taking that action.  

Ms Sheehan: I’ll take that on notice as well—once I’ve seen the correspondence.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you.  

CHAIR: Thank you, Senator Roberts, for your efficiency in asking those questions. 

At the February Senate Estimates, I raised concerns that the Australian Flag was absent from The Australia Day Council’s website.

I am pleased to see that it has now been restored.

Our flag is a symbol of our shared values, our democracy and our monocultural society.

Displaying it proudly reminds us of all that we can be united under one flag.

Transcript

CHAIR: We will head straight to questions.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for being here tonight. Senator Ayres, you had better be ready for a long session.  

Senator Ayres: I’m all ears.  

Senator ROBERTS: At the last estimates, I asked you why the Australia Day Council did not have an Australian flag on their website. I’m pleased to see that you now have an Australian flag. Thank you. Well done. It’s good to see.  

Mr Ashurst: I would like to say thank you, Senator. As the interim CEO, once that was brought to my attention, as a former soldier myself, I found that was very important to rectify.  

Senator ROBERTS: That is gratifying to hear. Thank you. I note that you have removed the flash screen acknowledgement of country and instead displayed the Aboriginal flag in your header, which is a fair compromise that I hope leads to further engagement with Australia Day by the Aboriginal community.  

Mr Ashurst: Yes, Senator. It was a deliberate choice in accordance with normal government convention to display not only the Australian national flag but also the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander flag. We obviously are aiming for Australia Day and the Australian of the Year awards to be inclusive as much as possible and be representative of our entire nation and the make-up of our entire nation.  

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. That’s all. 


According to some MSM journalists with a handful of viewers, ‘no one knows who I am’.

After a week of targeted headlines, erroneous and malicious they may be, at least I have brand recognition…

For years, media have ignored my work as a Senator because it was inconvenient to the lock-step government of Labor and Liberal.

Their destructive policies were left unquestioned by the same mastheads that have repeated, without the faintest interest in fact-checking, false and misleading statements about my beliefs.

These accusations have been patched together from interviews published on both mine (and other) social media accounts. Far from ‘uncovering’ anything – as some chose to claim to make the story sound more cloak-and-dagger than it actually was – these journalists merely opened Google.

One Nation voters are used to this sort of treatment from the press.

Most have personal experience, having been called ‘cookers’, ‘racists’, ‘conspiracy theorists’, ‘domestic terrorists’, ‘far-right’, and everything up to ‘literally Hitler’.

If you have concerns about machete wars at the local shopping centre, well, you must be trying to resurrect Labor’s White Australia Policy.

If you think biology is settled on the gender front – you’re probably committing a hate crime.

It’s a level of un-reality that turns podcast chats into click-bait. I really do pity the journalists that wasted their time on the hit job. They shamed themselves with such poor quality and dishonest work.

On that note, MSM has entered the ‘crying wolf’ phase where very few Australians believe what they print, with most having abandoned the legacy press long ago.

Do I subscribe to the chemtrail conspiracy? No. That claim is false. My office decided to answer community concerns with a podcast to explain the difference between contrails, geo-engineering, and cloud seeding. My mistake was expecting the media to have more than a five-second attention span.

Do I subscribe to 9-11 conspiracy theories and school shootings? Of course not. I’m appalled editors let that carefully constructed insinuation go to print.

Shame on them.

Being a guest on someone’s podcast does not imply ‘guilt by association’, unless Coalition MPs want to start being held accountable for the views of ABC activists.

I wager they don’t.

And, since when is ‘globalism’ considered a Jewish banker conspiracy theory?

Do I think the December 2025 Bondi massacre was a ‘false flag’?

Of course not.

It’s all a load of nonsense designed to paint the subsequent discussions listed below as ‘crazy’ when actually, these are the inconvenient truths the media don’t want to discuss.

Are there concerns about Covid vaccine safety?

Definitely.

Is Net Zero a scam?

Absolutely. And you’re paying for it.

Was the origin of Covid originally covered up? Yes.

For years, the same media organisations who called me a ‘cooker’ labelled anyone who mentioned the Wuhan lab leak a ‘far-right racist conspiracy theorist’. I’m yet to see an apology grace their columns.

Is One Nation a threat to Labor? You bet.

Is One Nation polling higher than the Liberals and Nationals combined? You bet we are.

If One Nation are the ‘Populists’ – does that make the other parties … unpopular? I’ll let you answer that one.

One Nation has spent years listening to Australians to find out exactly where our economy has broken – and created ways to fix it. These solutions benefit Australians, not large corporations, unions, or foreign billionaires. As these solutions gain mainstream public support, we’ve seen attacks against One Nation, and myself, intensify.

The most obvious of these is my work dismantling the Climate Change conspiracy and Net Zero con that has ripped hundreds of billions out of this nation, causing untold amounts of damage that our children’s children will be paying off.

It’s no surprise that both sides of politics have fought bitterly to keep Net Zero in place, even if One Nation has successfully shamed them into dropping specific dates for achieving the official Net Zero targets that they quietly retain.

Why won’t the Coalition shred the Paris Agreement?

Because it’s the ‘piece of paper’ that keeps the endless climate wealth flowing out of the Treasury.

You can read my viral Substack on the full horror of the Paris Agreement here and, indeed, it was shortly after this started doing the rounds that our political opposition turned rabid.

When we say ‘get rid of the Department of Climate Change’ and all its ‘subsidiaries’ – we know that with the money saved, there’s more than enough to rebuild our grid with reliable baseload power, guarantee pensions for our elderly and veterans, and cut taxes that are sucking the life out of businesses who provide critical employment to Australians.

To prove my point about the obscene waste of this unnecessary department, I draw your attention to recent headlines regarding its Minister, Chris Bowen.

The decision to earmark $4.2 million of your money to treat his department and foreign bureaucrats to luxury accommodation in Fiji, is nothing short of insulting.

And fraudulent.

Bookings apparently cover the Sheraton Fiji Golf and Beach Resort, Sofitel Fiji Resort and Spa, and the Radisson Blu Resort Fiji on Denarau Island. Fair-minded Australians would think the same journalists who published hit pieces on Pauline Hanson’s trip to Europe (which did not cost the taxpayer) will be doubly scornful of this taxpayer tropical getaway.

In an honest version of politics, Mr Bowen would have been told to resign. Immediately.

This expense has been ‘justified’ for a pre-COP31 meeting to be held between October 5-8 where, in his moonlight job as co-president, he will oversee the conference. Why COP31 has anything to do with Australian taxpayers remains a mystery.

Australian businesses are closing. Families are sleeping in tents. Pensioners are freezing, unable to afford their power bills (which Labor promised at the last election would drop). And young workers cannot afford rent.

Yet somehow the Minister thinks it’s appropriate to splash out money hosting staffers, bureaucrats, and himself at a beach-front resort. We’re not even going to talk about the ‘carbon cost’ of flying everyone to Fiji for a meeting that could have been done via Zoom.

It’s as if the head of the Climate Change Department doesn’t really buy into the imminent threat that underpins his role in government.

When pressed, a spokesperson from Mr Bowen’s department said, ‘The venues are the only suitable locations capable of accommodating an event of this scale with the required accommodation capacity.’

It sounds like they’re having their arm twisted for some sort of hardship rather than hosting an entirely voluntary beachside champagne conference.

What, exactly, does the average Australian gain from having their government burley the water of Climate Change hysteria? When has this conversation ever benefited taxpayers?

It was only a few months ago that a decision from the International Court of Justice, recklessly backed by Australia, left us open to potentially trillions in climate reparations. Even the UK sat up and realised that might have been a mistake and yet barely a word has been said about it.

The $4 million plus bill isn’t the end of it.

The Albanese Labor government has been offering $20,000 taxpayer-funded grants for activists to attend the COP31 conference.

The total cost of this grant program is something in the realm of $650,000, deepening our almost trillion dollars of national debt.

Remember, you’re not allowed to have tax cuts because it might threaten ‘roads, hospitals, and schools’.

Yet the truth is, there is plenty of money for those things. Tax cuts would mean this sort of climate-grifting would dry up and Labor’s activist electoral padding would get ‘quite upset’ and threaten to walk off to the Greens.

And who is going on this vacation?

‘Diverse and underrepresented groups, primarily First Nations Australians and youth.’

The purpose?

‘Promote voices and perspectives of First Nations’ and ‘enhance inclusion and diversity’.

And what are you doing? Working long, thankless hours to pay for their privilege. Skipping meals to cover the rent. Giving almost half of what you earn to this heartless machine of state-approved grievance.

Why is One Nation rising in the polls?

No idea. Must be some sort of social media algorithm sorcery. A mythical bot army fresh from the Odyssey.

Australia wasn’t asked to incur these expenses. The Minister went out of his way to co-chair COP31 with his ‘title’ of co-president bestowed on him as if it were a participation award to stop a child bursting into tears.

The government insists the ‘final cost’ will be ‘lower’ than what they’ve reserved – the point they miss is that there shouldn’t be any cost at all.

It’s not only a $4.2 million (ish?) tropical getaway that’s angering taxpayers. It’s the almost $150 million set aside for Chris Bowen’s role as the COP31 co-president, which includes 70 full-time equivalent staff. Plus his taxpayer salary as the Minister, who should be focused on his local electorate.

The arrogance is truly astonishing.

And you can add to that another $100 million for ‘broader Pacific engagement’.

Realistically, what is this bringing to Australia – other than a poverty-inducing tax burden?

The media can label me a ‘conspiracy theorist’ all they like.

I’ve got something a lot stronger that I’d like to label the Minister for Climate Change.

One Nation opposed granting Deductible Gift Recipient (DGR) tax status to Equality Australia.

The Labor government is ignoring rulings from the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and the Federal Court that found Equality Australia ineligible for DGR status.

Equality Australia is a political lobby group rather than a benevolent charity, which advocates for LGBTQ+ rights and gender-affirming care.

Typical of this Labor government, Senator Chisholm dismissed our concerns as political motivations.

There’s nothing political about protecting our children from harmful, irreversible treatments.

It’s about doing what’s right for our youth.

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: I have some questions, as I implied before. We’re generally supportive, One Nation, of these superannuation modifications, except for what we see as dishonest provisions. In February’s Senate estimates hearings I asked the office of the Governor-General about Equality Australia, because Australia’s Governor-General is supposed to be neutral—to not take political positions. This leads to many questions of the government. Firstly, Minister, how is it that the Governor-General can be a patron of a political activist group, Equality Australia, that actively supports irreversible gender treatments for children—mutilation of children?

This is not about people’s support for Equality Australia, because that’s what is essentially happening by giving it DGR—deductible gift recipient—status. This is about the law and Equality Australia’s DGR status. My questions include: Why did assistant charities minister Mr Andrew Leigh intervene to give Equality Australia charity status when on three occasions the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and two Federal Court hearings had held that Equality. Australia was not established for a benevolent purpose and should not be entitled to deductible gift recipient status?

Deductible gift recipient status allows donors to claim tax deductions for donations. Why did the Labor government give Equality Australia a massive favour against the findings of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal
and the Federal Court’s full bench, on two occasions? Was it because the Governor-General is a patron of the activist group Equality Australia? Isn’t this a clear conflict of interest and a breach of the requirements of neutrality by the Governor-General?

The TEMPORARY CHAIR (Senator Kovacic): Senator Ghosh.

Senator Ghosh: I hesitate to interrupt my colleague, but I think it’s a contravention of the standing orders to cast aspersions on the motives of, or reflect disrespectfully on, the Governor-General of Australia.

The TEMPORARY CHAIR: Noted, thank you. Please withdraw, Senator Roberts, and refrain moving forward.

Senator ROBERTS: I withdraw.

The TEMPORARY CHAIR: Thank you.

Senator ROBERTS: Observing the government’s blatant contradiction of the law in giving DGR status — deductible gift recipient status—to Equality Australia in defiance of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and two Federal Court hearings, I ask: Does the law mean nothing to this government? Is the lobby group Equality Australia, when it attacks Christian schools, acting in any way on behalf of the government? Is the lobby group acting on behalf of the government in any way when it supports children’s futile attempts to change sex? Essentially, what you’re doing, Minister, by giving Equality Australia deductible gift recipient status is asking taxpayers to subsidise the mutilation of children. Why are you going against the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and Federal Court rulings? We want to protect superannuants—adults—but not at the sacrifice of children.

Senator CHISHOLM: Thanks, Senator Roberts. My understanding, having just taken over this bill this morning, is that Senator Gallagher responded to similar statements that were put by Senator Whitten when this was last in committee stage. The government rejects the claims of Senator Roberts. All of the entities that are being provided with DGR status in the Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025 were found to be legally ineligible for DGR status through routine channels. This prior ineligibility is the precondition for a government to consider applications for a specific listing. Let me be clear: all the entities that are being provided with DGR status through this bill have been supported in this way because, in spite of the benefits they bring to communities, they did not fit into the defined DGR categories. Our tax system is set up so that when this happens—and it has happened routinely since 1948—a government can decide that a charity, in spite of not fitting a specific DGR category, nevertheless warrants the support that DGR status provides. That’s what is part of this bill . There are other organisations that are recipients. It says a lot about One Nation that they are just singling out this group in particular for their political motivations.

Senator ROBERTS: I understand your response, Minister, but can you explain why the government is supporting a group that is a lobby group, an activist group, not a charity, as the Full Bench of the Federal Court ruled twice and as the Administrative Tribunal also ruled? Why are you supporting a lobby group, an activist group, that’s harming children and is not recognised as a charity?

Senator CHISHOLM: I disagree with Senator Roberts there. Contrary to false media reporting, Equality Australia is indeed a registered charity. Equality Australia has been registered as a charity under the ACNC Act since 4 January 2016. Specifically, Equality Australia has been registered as a charity with the subtype ‘advancing public debate’. Advancing public debate and engaging in public advocacy is a valid charitable purpose. Equality Australia is a registered and compliant organisation, meeting the required governance standards and making a significant contribution to Australian communities.

Senator ROBERTS: With respect, Minister, you didn’t answer my question. Why are you going against a Federal Court ruling on two occasions and an Administrative Appeals Tribunal ruling?

Senator CHISHOLM: I already answered that in the previous answer. The entities being provided with DGR status in the Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025 were found to be legally ineligible for DGR status through routine channels. As I said before—let me be clear—all the entities that are provided with DGR status through this bill have been supported in this way because, in spite of the benefits they bring to communities, they did not fit into the defined DGR status. Our tax system is set up so that when this happens—and it does happen regularly and has occurred since 1948—a government can decide that a charity, in spite of not fitting a specific DGR category, nevertheless warrants the support that DGR status provides

Labor’s record spending and trillion-dollar debt are smashing living standards — driving inflation, hiking interest rates and leaving Australians worse off.

Families are going backwards while Labor taxes harder and spends faster.

One Nation will shrink government, drive down inflation and put more money back in Aussie pockets.

Transcript

Today, Treasurer Chalmers has taken to social media to claim credit for the 2.6 per cent increase in annual GDP, calling the rise the strongest growth in the Australian economy for three years. Has the Treasurer forgotten he’s been in office for almost four years—meaning the Treasurer took over the economy and made it worse! 

Putting that aside, how did the Treasurer create this increase? To haul GDP out of negative territory, the Treasurer has spent like a drunken sailor. Almost all of the increase in employment and economic activity in the last year has come from increased government spending, which has to be paid for with? Higher taxes. In effect, the Treasurer has taxed everyday Australians more, and then spent their money faster than the taxpayers would have. As a result, the money supply has expanded 11 per cent in the last year, and our national debt has now passed $1 trillion. 

A funny thing about spending other people’s money: it eventually runs out. Already, the government is looking for ways to raise taxes. Capital gains tax increases and increased taxes on superannuation are on the agenda. Even worse, the government is selling off the silverware. The sale of Defence Force property has already been announced—$3.5 billion in extra cash. What was once a strategic asset, which didn’t add to the money supply, will be cash in the bank for the Treasurer to spend—more solar and wind subsidies; more money to the Taliban. Already this government has given the Taliban $320 million. 

Selling off the silverware to keep the GDP out of recession leads straight to even higher inflation than we have now. To counter this inflation, already the Reserve Bank has been forced to increase interest rates. The result will be a loss of spending power for everyday Australians, who will have to spend more of their income on their mortgage or rent. Government spending is approaching 28 per cent of our GDP and is heading to over 30 per cent, which offsets the reductions in private sector spending that have resulted from overregulation and a lack of confidence in this Labor government. In the short term, this approach makes the data look better. In the medium term, inflation spikes, and wage growth goes negative, as it has been for much of the Treasurer’s term. If everyday Australians feel like they’re going backwards and working harder, it’s because they are going backwards—especially if they’re paying off a home or renting. One Nation will solve this vicious cycle of economic decline with our policy to shrink the government to fit the Constitution and to fit our means. One Nation took a policy to the last election to reduce the size of government by $90 billion in our first term. That number, from what we can see from Labor, is now looking much, much bigger than we can save. Our policy will reverse Labor’s deficits, stop Labor’s inflation, cancel Labor’s interest rate rises and leave more money in the pockets of everyday Australians.