Since its inception in July 2023, the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) has spent over $140 million of taxpayer money. Yet, despite having more powers and more staff than its predecessor, the results so far are underwhelming: just one conviction, two simple investigations, and ten historical cases carried over from the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity. That’s a staggering cost for such limited outcomes.
I acknowledge that corruption investigations are complex and take time—but Australians deserve transparency and accountability, especially when such vast sums are being spent. The fact that the Commissioner won’t front up to answer questions only raises more concerns. Taxpayers have a right to know how their money is being used, and I’ll keep asking the hard questions until we get the answers.
— Senate Estimates | October 2025
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: Since being established in July 2023, the NACC has spent north of $140 million of taxpayer funds. Correct me if I’m wrong, but with more powers and more staff this time, the NACC has concluded one prosecution, 10 historical investigations from the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity, two NACC initiated simple investigations, with one conviction—is that correct?
Mr Reed: At the moment—
Senator ROBERTS: One hundred and forty million.
Mr Reed: the commission has 38 corruption investigations underway, and 12 of those are joint investigations. We’ve got 33 preliminary investigations, which are part of the assessment process. We finalised 10 investigations, nine when it became clear that corrupt conduct would not be found and one where a corruption finding was made in a report provided to the minister, which is one of the matters that I put in my opening address. We’ve assessed 5,103 referrals. That’s 84 per cent of the 6,055 that have come in. So the NACC is a very busy organisation. The investigations of corrupt conduct are complex. They take time, and any organisation like this will take more than two years, usually, to complete investigations. What I said in my opening address was that, as the commission enters this next phase—this third year of operations—complex investigations will reach completion, and the commission’s operational achievements will gradually become more visible. That’s the reality of a new organisation picking up a significant workload, picking up a workload from a predecessor organisation and having to complete that work at the same time as dealing with the referrals that have come through. It’s not a straightforward, simple exercise, Senator.
Senator ROBERTS: I didn’t say that.
Mr Reed: These are complex matters.
Senator ROBERTS: But $140 million in two years, plus a commissioner who won’t front and be held accountable to taxpayers, raises many questions.
Mr Reed: The annual appropriations are on the record. They were agreed to as part of the forward estimates before the NACC commenced. We’re still recruiting people into roles. The fact that the commissioner is not here is not a lack of accountability; it’s the accountable authority that you’ve got sitting in this chair, and it’s the accountable authority who is expected to be at estimates. I don’t see that there’s anything wrong with the commissioner not being here.
During my time with the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) in Senate estimates, I raised serious concerns about the handling of the Robodebt referral. The inspector’s report revealed that Commissioner Brereton declared a conflict of interest because he knew one of the individuals involved—yet despite that, his involvement in the decision-making was extensive.
The inspector found maladministration under the NACC Act. Mr Brereton contributed to discussions, settled meeting minutes, helped formulate reasons for the decision, and even shaped the media statement. That’s not how a conflict of interest should be managed. To make matters worse, the press release contained a false statement about investigative powers—an error acknowledged by the commission. For a former Supreme Court appeals judge, that’s a serious mistake. This isn’t about one error; it’s about trust.
Australians need confidence that the NACC operates with integrity and independence. When conflicts of interest aren’t properly managed, that confidence is undermined.
— Senate Estimates | October 2025
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: In relation to the robodebt referral, Mr Brereton declared that one of the people who was subject to the decision not to investigate was a person he knew well.
Mr Reed: That’s correct.
Senator ROBERTS: Where did he know this person from?
Mr Reed: The letter that was tabled here didn’t identify that person’s name. The inspector has investigated that matter, and her report was produced on 30 October last year. It goes into a reasonable amount of detail about how that conflict of interest was managed, and it made a finding of maladministration against the commissioner.
Senator ROBERTS: Maladministration?
Mr Reed: That’s correct, under the NACC Act.
Senator ROBERTS: Despite declaring the conflict of interest, his involvement in the decision-making was comprehensive. That’s what the inspector said.
Mr Reed: That’s what the inspector found.
Senator ROBERTS: I’m now quoting the inspector, who said Mr Brereton contributed to the discussion at that meeting, settled the minutes of that meeting and was involved in formulating the reasons for the decision and also the terms of the media statement.
Mr Reed: And all of those facts are on the record in the inspector’s report.
Senator ROBERTS: And the decision to not investigate someone who had a close association with him; that is correct too?
Mr Reed: Sorry, I think I missed the point of the question.
Senator ROBERTS: The decision to not investigate someone that he had a close association with was his decision?
Mr Reed: The decision taken in relation to robodebt was not a decision of the commissioners; it was a decision or a matter—it was under assessment. It wasn’t an investigation; it was under assessment. That matter was allocated to a deputy commissioner because of the conflict of interest. What the inspector found was that he hadn’t managed that conflict of interest effectively—
Senator ROBERTS: Thank you for clarifying.
Mr Reed: and, therefore, the decision about robodebt was made by a deputy commissioner, not by the commissioner.
Senator ROBERTS: Is my understanding correct that the press release on the decision not to investigate robodebt contained a false statement that another commissioner had the power to investigate those people, and did he, Mr Brereton, suggest including that when he helped formulate the media release?
Mr Reed: All of that was covered in the inspector’s report and—
Senator ROBERTS: Yes, I know.
Mr Reed: the commission acknowledged, as part of that, that that was an error in that statement.
Senator ROBERTS: From a former Supreme Court appeals court judge who would have known this?
Mr Reed: People make mistakes.
Senator ROBERTS: That’s a hell of a mistake. He would have known this. It would have been ingrained in him.
Mr Reed: This has all been explored in the inspector’s report. We’re going back over old ground here.
Senator ROBERTS: The inspector said his involvement in the robodebt decision to not investigate his mates was an error of judgement, would you just acknowledge?
Mr Reed: I don’t think those are the words that were used.
Senator ROBERTS: Was it an error of judgement?
Mr Reed: No. I don’t think ‘mate’ was referred to in that report, but I might be wrong.
Senator ROBERTS: So what would you call it? A colleague? An associate?
Mr Reed: It was a colleague from a former life.
Senator ROBERTS: I’ve been through Mr Brereton’s former position in the appeals court in the Supreme Court of New South Wales. That’s arguably the second highest tier of court in Australia. Is he really trying to make us believe, through you, that, given his experience, he would make such a consequential error of judgement?
Mr Reed: The error has been acknowledged, and it’s on the record, so I’m not quite sure where this is heading.
Senator ROBERTS: It’s heading to a loss of confidence in the NACC. That’s where it’s headed.
Mr Reed: I think it’s unfair that one matter, one aspect of the work of the commission, one of the first decisions that was announced about an assessment, as distinct from an investigation, somehow undermines the NACC for the rest of time.
I recently asked questions of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) about its refusal to engage with complainants who hold critical information—information that could help expose corruption at the highest levels. One such individual is economist John Adams, who has referred serious allegations involving the Prime Minister and ASIC officials. Despite providing extensive documentation, Mr Adams has been shut out of the process. The NACC confirmed they do not consult complainants before deciding whether to investigate. This raises serious concerns about transparency and accountability.
I also asked whether the NACC has served any legal notices or conducted compulsory examinations of the Prime Minister. Their response? “I’m not in a position to answer that.” The NACC “hides” behind confidentiality provisions in the Act, refusing to confirm or deny any action. Why is the federal body so secretive? Australians deserve to know if their leaders are under investigation.
— Senate Estimates | October 2025
Transcript
Senator ROBERTS: Why is the NACC refusing to engage with complainants in either preliminary investigations or corruption investigations—complainants who have critical information which can help the NACC fulfil its mission? One person, who has given me permission to name, is John Adams, and he has referred the Prime Minister and ASIC officials. Why haven’t you talked to him?
Mr Reed: Mr Adams has made a number of referrals to the commission. We go through a process of triage and then assessment, and the outcome of that, if it goes from tier 1 triage to tier 2 assessment, is then considered by the NACC Senior Assessment Panel to determine whether or not there’s a corruption issue that could be investigated.
Senator ROBERTS: Can you make that decision without consulting the complainant?
Mr Reed: What happens is that people make referrals, and we assess them. We decide whether or not we’re going to proceed with any further work. Eighty-four per cent of the matters—
Senator ROBERTS: Mr Reed, I accept what you’re saying. Can you make those decisions to take it from one stage to the next without taking to the complainant?
Mr Reed: It depends on what material the complainant has provided. Mr Adams has provided enormous amounts of material.
Senator ROBERTS: He’s diligent.
Mr Reed: He is just one of those individuals who is very invested in one particular matter, and the commission has spent a significant amount of time considering the material that he’s provided and has made decisions about that matter. I don’t think that Mr Adams is happy about that or will ever be happy about the outcome. So we don’t have to go and talk to individuals who made referrals.
Senator ROBERTS: I accept that you don’t have to.
Mr Reed: It’s just the reality of it.
Senator ROBERTS: Mr Reed, has the NACC served any legal notices on the current prime minister of Australia?
Mr Reed: We have received 6,055 referrals since our inception, and it’s just not possible that we’re going to talk to all of them, and, in many ways, there’s no requirement to. Sorry, I missed your question.
Senator ROBERTS: Has the NACC served any legal notices on the current prime minister of Australia. If so, how many and when?
Mr Reed: I’m not in a position to answer that. We don’t talk about the work that we do. We don’t talk about referrals, unless they’re on the public record. We don’t talk about investigations. We don’t talk about where notices are served.
Senator ROBERTS: Why not?
Mr Reed: It’s just the nature of the act. The act requires us to do things confidentially and largely in private. That’s the reality of the act.
Senator ROBERTS: Has the NACC compulsorily examined the Prime Minister?
Mr Reed: We will never talk about the work we’re doing until we publish a report at the end of the work we’re doing.
Senator ROBERTS: Does the same apply to ministers, not just the Prime Minister?
Mr Reed: I’m not going to enter into a debate about the work that the NACC is undertaking in any of its investigations. It’s not appropriate to talk about it here.
Senator ROBERTS: In October 2021, the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption published a media release indicating that Premier Berejiklian was under formal investigation for corruption. This publication led to the resignation of the premier. Does the NACC have the approach of informing the public if a minister of the Crown or the head of a Commonwealth government or agency is under investigation for corruption? You’ve already said no, but it has happened before in a different state, in a different jurisdiction.
Mr Reed: I worked at the New South Wales ICAC for five years. I very much understand how it operates. It has a different legislative base, a different approach. They ultimately end up in public hearings as part of an investigative process, but most of the work they do is done privately. If I can quote some figures to you out of the most recent annual report of the ICAC, they had one public inquiry in 2023-24, which occurred over 11 days, yet, in the same time period, they undertook 36 of what we would call private hearings and what they call compulsory examinations over 30 days. The bulk of the work done by the New South Wales ICAC is done in private. Then, when they get an investigation to a particular point, they have the option to go to public hearing. There are provisions that relate to that, and they use that option on a regular basis, but it’s a different bit of legislation.
Senator ROBERTS: In May 2024, the Prime Minister of Australia and senior ASIC officials were referred to the NACC after allegedly facilitating an illegal cover-up of a company called ABC Bullion. Are you familiar with that? It occurred during an official investigation.
Mr Reed: We don’t ever comment on matters that are referred to us or where they’ve ended up unless it’s been put on the public record previously, and most matters have not. So I’m not going to answer either positively or negatively about that particular referral.
Senator ROBERTS: Again, the NACC has resisted in engaging the key witness, so we’ll move on to the last issue. Given that there have now been two senior judges finding that Ms Brittany Higgins lied about not receiving support from her employer Senator Reynolds, will the NACC reopen the complaint about Ms Higgins receiving a $2.4 million payment of taxpayer money based on lies, being that she would never be able to work again.
Ms O’Meagher: In relation to Ms Higgins, she wasn’t a Commonwealth public official at the time of the conduct you refer to, so it’s not within the jurisdiction of the commission.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/RymAnuwJk1s/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2025-11-05 15:44:192025-11-05 15:44:25Is the NACC Protecting Power Over Truth?
Corruption and conflicts of interest are rife in Government. Very few are as blatant as former Minister Matt Kean, who will be chairing the agency helping to set the price of carbon credits while getting paid by an investment company that makes money out of carbon credits!
End the net-zero pipe dream and this will all go away.
Transcript
The chair of the agency that helps set the price of carbon credits is paid a government salary as the federal adviser and regulator and will simultaneously be on the payroll of a company that makes money out of carbon credits.
In June the Albanese Labor government appointed Matt Kean as the Climate Change Authority chair. Given his track record, how can Matt Kean be considered a qualified choice? As New South Wales Treasurer, his last budget tripled their deficit and put them on track for a $160 billion debt. As energy minister he left their grid facing blackouts with the proposed shutdown of Liddell and Eraring power stations.
Matt Kean’s glaring incompetence, though, pales beside his conflict of interest. The Climate Change Authority that Kean chairs, from which he advises the government, influences the price of carbon credits. Two months after getting the job, Matt Kean accepted a second job. The Climate Change Authority mustn’t be doing too much if the chair has time to shop himself around for other part-time jobs. When the chair is chasing other careers, do we really need a Climate Change Authority? That second job is with Wollemi Capital, who will make millions from investing in carbon credits. Matt Kean is chair of the government agency that helps set the price of carbon credits while he works for a company that will make money out of carbon credits. It seems that Australia has the best politicians that money can buy.
What does the Albanese Labor government say about this blatant conflict of interest? Nothing. Silence. The government is happy to put the fox in charge of the henhouse, and Australians will continue to pay.
The government’s appointment confirms that climate fraud is all about transferring wealth from us the people to corporations and to billionaire parasites taking solar and wind subsidies while fleecing carbon dioxide credits. Only One Nation will end the wind and solar subsidies rort, ditch the net zero plans and rorts, and fire Matt Kean.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/k7uY9k6oqWA/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2024-09-12 22:20:002024-09-12 23:00:14Former Minister Matt Kean’s Conflict of Interest Exposed!
Anthony Albanese and his Labor government have lost the people’s trust and support. Labor is tied to the CFMEU because of the union’s massive donations. They are also hiding the largest wage theft in Australia’s history, especially among miners in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley, who are owed significant back pay.
Recent actions by Labor, such as the late submission of bills, suggest a cover-up to avoid scrutiny. Unions like the CFMEU have lost their way, evident during the COVID-19 lockdowns when members rebelled against their union’s lack of care. Labor abolished the ABCC despite criminal issues within the unions. Labor’s relationship with the CFMEU is a problem and is driven by donations.
As a former union member, I value true unions like the Miners Federation. Today, many union bosses prioritise personal gain, neglecting their members, as seen with the CFMEU and Mining and Energy Union. Workers are forced into monopolistic unions without choice, but alternatives like Queensland’s Red Union exist. Protecting union monopolies will further their demise and lower wages. Choice is crucial.
Look at this: Chandler Macleod Group, part of Recruit Holdings, the world’s largest labour hire company, works with the CFMEU and Mining and Energy Union in Hunter and Central Queensland. The federal government spends billions on labour hire – and the Fair Work Commission has approved these questionable arrangements. BHP, with union help, forced workers from permanent jobs to lower-paying Tesla labour hire, then to Chandler Macleod with another big pay cut.
We need open scrutiny and an inquiry, not just window dressing. The Bill should go to committee, or at least be heard on Friday. We want to amend the Bill to enable challenges to the Minister’s regulations. We are committed to seeing criminal charges laid against union crooks, reinstating the watchdog and pushing for comprehensive industrial relations reform.
Transcript
Trust has been lost. Anthony Albanese and his Labor government have lost the people’s trust, lost the people’s confidence, lost the people’s support. Labor supports the CFMEU because the CFMEU gives it massive donations—millions and millions of cash for election campaigns. Labor is wedded to the CFMEU. Labor is dependent on the CFMEU.
Labor is hiding the biggest wage theft in Australia’s history. Five years I’ve spent exposing the scam. We have an excellent independent report, Coal miners wage theft, done in February this year. It vindicates what I’ve been pushing for five years. Some miners in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley are owed $41,000 per annum in wage theft. The Independent Workers Union, a new, fair-dinkum union operating in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley, has lodged complaints for many miners because the CFMEU and the Mining and Energy Union have not bothered to do so. They won’t go after the back pay of the wage theft.
I’m aware of a complaint lodged just recently, in the last couple of days, to the Fair Work Ombudsman by the Independent Workers Union, seeking, for one person alone, $211,000 in back pay—$211,000 in wage theft that this Labor government condones and hides. The CFMEU drove the theft of wages from Central Queensland and Hunter miners. The workers’ former protectors in the CFMEU are now their exploiters. They’re hurting workers. I wonder: will Labor’s administrator allocate the CFMEU funds to make good the miners’ wages? For one person it’s $211,000; there are over 5,000 miners losing up to or around $41,000 per year of service.
Labor MPs are complicit because there has been a protection racket for their mates in the CFMEU. Labor MPs in the Hunter denied and then ignored my claims—my claims put to them in writing. I hand-delivered, to Dan Repacholi’s office here in parliament, my letter to him explaining this. Not a peep! Instead, we got lies from Mr Repacholi in the Hunter, and similar from Joel Fitzgibbon. Minister Watt in the Senate has denigrated, ridiculed and dismissed more than 5,000 miners’ legal improvement entitlements. And I have been proven correct.
Let’s return to Monday and Minister Gallagher’s word, ‘urgent’. ‘This is urgent,’ she said, as to the administrator for the CFMEU. I add two words: ‘cover up’. It’s a cover-up. Minister Gallagher says Labor’s administrator is ‘urgent’, yet Minister Watt dropped this bill on us late on Monday night. What gives? Do you expect us to believe that it was drafted on Sunday—that they did an all-nighter in the department on Sunday with lots of coffee? Why did Labor drop it on us without giving it to us earlier? Is it to avoid scrutiny? Yes—I can see some senators agreeing. When did the Greens and the teal Senator Pocock get copies? We’ve had instances in the past where they have got copies of new bills two weeks before we have and they’ve been dropped on us at the last minute.
Then Senator Gallagher sought exemption from the normal bills process. Speaking of exemption, Senator Gallagher said, ‘The Albanese government says it’s a clear path.’ Yet the bill is littered with the word ‘may’. It’s a very unclear bill. It needs the word ‘will’. Secondly, she said, ‘The people of Australia are expecting a clear response.’ With an unclear bill? I echo Senator O’Sullivan’s call for a hearing. Then Senator Gallagher said, ‘We will give you a firm view at the end of the week.’ You will only get a firm view with a hearing. We need a firm view and scrutiny of this legislation. We need ‘may’ to be replaced by ‘will’ quite often. We need an opportunity for bipartisan input.
I’m a former member of three unions. I know genuine unions are necessary. The genuine union movement has a long and proud history, going back to Wales and the lodge system in the Miners Federation, which I was a proud member and participant of. Yet today so many union bosses have forgot their workers and members. Why? Today workers’ protections are enshrined in law—as they should be—including safety, wages, conditions, security, retirement, health and many other provisions. Now the union bosses erode and steal these for personal gain, as the CFMEU and the Mining and Energy Union have done in Central Queensland and the Hunter. Personal gain and power, that’s what it’s about now, not looking after members. Why? Because they’re an untouchable monopoly. Workers need choice. Workers don’t have choice. They must join the union in their industry. That’s it. There’s no choice. The Red Union in Queensland and around Australia and in New Zealand is giving workers choice.
Thirdly, the Fair Work Commission and the Fair Work Ombudsman have failed to protect miners and workers. The Fair Work Commission has overseen and approved the theft of wages from casual coalminers in the Hunter Valley. As a boy, I lived in Central Queensland and the Hunter coalfields. My dad was in coalmining. I graduated with a mining engineers degree, an honours degree, and then decided I’d better go and learn something, so I worked at the coalface.
I came across Bill Chapman, the legendary president of the Northern District Miners Federation. He was a wonderful man. I sided with him in an open-air meeting when I worked at Westfalen’s No. 2 mine when I worked on the night shift there. My dad was complimented, highly, by Bill Chapman at my father’s retirement. My dad and Bill used to argue a lot, but they respected each other, because Bill was genuinely concerned about workers. I knew Mattie Best before he died. I worked with him. I played football with him. He was my football coach in Central Queensland when I played rugby league. He was a genuine union delegate who had respect from workers and management and fellow union bosses. He called out safety issues when they were abused.
I am proud to support real unions that work in workers’ interests. I worked as a mine manager with the CFMEU union bosses. We developed a landmark award that I instigated, and I instigated many previously undreamt-of provisions because they were to the benefit of the workers and productivity. I worked with the union.
The rank and file in the CFMEU in Victoria during the COVID mismanagement erupted in a mutiny against vaccine mandates and lockdowns. The members realised their union bosses did not care, and they revolted. Labor then abolished the Australian Building and Construction Commission. Senator Watt said, ‘Australians expected parliament to deal with criminal allegations inside the recalcitrant union promptly.’ How, looking at this vague bill? Where is the trust? It’s been smashed. Labor supports the CFMEU because of donations; Labor is wedded to the CFMEU because it’s dependent on donations.
Yesterday we heard Senator Pocock, a teal senator, say: ‘We need to be cleaning up the union.’ Has he forgotten that he supported the abolition of the ABCC? The CFMEU has assisted in theft from miners, as I’ve explained. They’re now exploiting miners. The Labor Party has been complicit. Both Joel Fitzgibbon and Dan Repacholi reportedly get campaign donations from the CFMEU. Then we get Labor’s fabrication.
The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT (Senator Allman-Payne): Minister McAllister?
Senator McAllister: I wonder if Senator Roberts could be asked to refer to people by their proper titles.
The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Thank you, Senator.
Senator ROBERTS: Labor fabricated an imaginary loophole, which the miners in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley told me was a fabrication, and I worked out it is. Then they pretended to close the loophole with their closing loopholes bill. All it needed was enforcement of the Fair Work Act and the Black Coal Mining Industry Award. Minister Watt and Minister Burke, his predecessor, and Mr Fitzgibbon and Mr Repacholi are complicit in this way theft, the largest in Australia. Labor enabled casuals—
The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator, please resume your seat. Minister?
Senator McAllister: Senator Roberts is reflecting very directly on a range of people, including ministers who represent the government in this chamber, and he should withdraw.
The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: It would assist the chamber. You were certainly straying into impugning members of the parliament.
Senator ROBERTS: To assist the chamber, and for that reason, I will withdraw. But Labor enabled casuals in coalmining. The Black Coal Mining Industry Award prohibited casuals on production; it still does. Labor, under Prime Minister Gillard, changed the coal long service leave provisions legislation to include casuals. I’m told that Anthony Albanese read the bill into parliament early in 2011. That’s what enabled this wage theft.
The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator—
Senator ROBERTS: Sorry—Mr Albanese, the Prime Minister.
The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: This is happening reasonably regularly throughout your contribution. Could you please make sure that you refer to everyone to whom you are referring using their correct titles.
Senator ROBERTS: Certainly. Labor has forgotten workers. It’s actually helping union bosses—union bosses from the CFMEU—to exploit workers. Minister Watt knows of the wage theft, because he advised us of the Mining and Energy Union’s application for a new enterprise agreement. We advised him the application confirms our work. And yet there has been no Mining and Energy Union application for back pay. Why? Because when they were part of the CFMEU they deliberately conjured up illegal enterprise agreements. We’ve had no word from Minister Watt regarding the investigation into wage theft that the Senate required thanks to my amendment to a bill earlier this year. We do not believe that Minister Watt is fit to oversee the CFMEU administrator. It’s a furphy.
Look at the other unions, the health and safety unions, stealing from the lowest-paid workers in Australia, and SDA union bosses corrupt. The Fair Work Act covers union bosses’ greed, theft and abuse. Look at Craig Thomson. We’re tired of the cover-ups.
Let’s get on to the root cause. It was publicly revealed in the Australian Financial Review on 12 April this year. Their journalist David Marin-Guzman wrote an article headlined ‘CFMEU push to take control of the Labor Party’. I quote:
John Setka is planning to use the militant construction union’s hundreds of delegates and members to boost the CFMEU’s influence on internal Labor politics in the Victorian and federal parliaments.
Another quote:
Such a large membership drive could give the CFMEU significant control over Labor preselections and party conferences, which elect the party executive and vote on policy—
even the Premier in Victoria. That’s what’s going on here; it’s a power play.
Then we see Labor Premier Steven Miles in Queensland accused of silencing the Crime and Corruption Commission. Mark Le Grand, who spent 10 years as chief investigator at the then Criminal Justice Commission in the wake of the 1989 Fitzgerald inquiry, told the Australian there would have been no point in having the royal commission if Fitzgerald could not report on its investigation. Labor want to shut down the reporting. I could go on with more quotes.
We then have Robert Gottliebsen telling us of the dire predicament of Australia’s productivity decline. Falling productivity—yeah, that’s the key to wage rises! The CFMEU is guilty of destroying productivity. When productivity falls it kills industry, kills the future and kills jobs. Add that to the energy prices, the industrial relations policies, the inflation, the productivity decline. It’s killing the economy, killing national security and killing the standard of living.
This is about more than just the CFMEU administrator; this is about trust. We see in Queensland that the Labor Party and the union movement are not two separate entities; they are one entity. Minister Grace Grace, when she lost her seat and Campbell Newman took over a decade ago, went straight into a job at $180,000 a year at the Queensland Teachers Union. Then, when Labor got back into power, she slid straight back into working directly with the Labor Party. The whole time she worked with the Labor Party. We’ve seen the Labor government in Queensland outlaw the Red Union because it’s competition for the Queensland Teachers Union and the Queensland nurses union. There’s a monopoly in industrial relations and no accountability. Then we have provisions. I draw people’s attention to provisions such as to 323B in the new act, clause 1, clause 2, which I do not have time to go into at the moment. These are things we are focusing on. Section 323C clause 2, section 323D clause 1—so loose, so vague, so open. We need accountability. We need competition amongst unions with better service to members. We need higher sustained wages now and into the future, because an industry that is healthy will pay higher wages. That is a proven fact.
Protecting union monopolies will continue union demise and lead to lower wages. Choice is essential. Look at the players in this: Chandler McLeod Group, part of Recruit Holdings, the world’s largest labour hire company working with the CFMEU and the Mining and Energy Union in the Hunter and Central Queensland. Federal government itself uses billions of dollars of labour hire. The Fair Work Commission has approved these awards. BHP forced people to change from being BHP people with permanent employment to Tesla labour hire with a big pay cut, thanks to the union, and then forced to go to Chandler Macleod with another big pay cut.
We need open scrutiny, we need a hearing, not window-dressing. It needs to be sent to committee, or at least get a hearing on Friday. We are thinking of an amendment requesting the administrator investigate coalmining wage theft as per one union report and organise for the CFMEU finances to cover that—but it is not part of the bill, so we won’t be doing that. We want to amend the bill to allow disallowance of the minister’s regulations. We want to see criminal charges. We want to see the watchdog brought back and comprehensive reform to industrial relations.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/W5nkdBi2kaw/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2024-08-29 16:10:032024-08-29 16:10:09Labor’s Union Ties and Cover-ups
The National Anti Corruption Commission (NACC) has passed Parliament and will be established next year.
So what’s covered by the NACC and what is One Nation’s view on these issues? I spoke on this in Parliament this week.
Something to tackle corruption is long overdue, we’re looking forward to having this body up and running and fine tuning it so that corruption is punished.
Transcript
As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia, I support the National Anti-Corruption Commission Bill 2022. Shoddy governance is Australia’s greatest problem and biggest threat. The absence of data in making policies and legislation—some parties go to great lengths to avoid data and substitute emotion. That is partly corruption, but this bill that we are discussing today goes to real corruption, illegal corruption.
Initially I thought parliament contained the procedures for self-accountability. After two years, I realised I was wrong. Then I started participating enthusiastically in presentations and discussions in this building and outside, around a national crime and corruption commission. I thank that many people I listened to—lawyers, judges, former judges and everyday Australians concerned about corruption. I appreciate the conversations that I had with former senator Bill Heffernan. I realised when I spoke out about the fact that we need to have a commission in place to provide oversight of four main groups: federal members of parliament, federal bureaucrats and public servants, federal judges and federal police.
Now I turn to the government’s proposal. For too long corruption in government has been almost impossible to deal with because current protections are totally inadequate. Each state has a body to deal with corruption at the state level of government. All the state bodies, however, face jurisdictional and evidential hurdles. Whistleblower protections, particularly for private-sector whistleblowers, have failed to provide assumed protections. In recent years, many whistleblowers have had their lives and/or careers publicly and privately trashed—destroyed. Some have faced criminal charges or been destroyed financially through civil actions.
Integrity as an expected attribute of those in public office has been invisible and left to chance. That lack of integrity destroys the people’s trust in the governance of this country. This bill, when passed with appropriate amendments, will go a long way towards setting up a workable scheme, ensuring that integrity becomes a fundamental feature of our legislative and executive arms of government.
To get this bill right, a number of issues need to be addressed through internal or external amendment. One thing this bill does not address is third-party corrupt conduct, where the person being dealt with is an otherwise innocent public official dragged unknowingly into a circle of corruption. This is a scenario included within the jurisdictions of most state anticorruption bodies, except those of Tasmania and Western Australia. To be comprehensive, the bill must include this scenario to ensure that corruption, even involving innocent public officers, can still be investigated for corruption.
It’s important to understand that this bill is not designed to be purely or only punitive. It’s much more than that. It’s designed to get to the root cause of corrupt processes, practices and systems, to rectify, eliminate and prevent corruption and to systematically do that and systematically prevent corruption. This provision will assist in identifying relationships vulnerable to abuse and exploitation so that processes may be introduced to provide effective risk management, oversight and accountability. This will be an alternative to relying on the ability to satisfy the restrictive requirements of proving crime beyond reasonable doubt. That’s highly restrictive. We need better than that. Another power that should be clarified in the bill is the commission’s power to commence investigation of its own volition, without being reliant on external referrals from other agencies and individuals. This clarification would ensure that the source of complaints or information did not limit the full ambit of justification for investigations.
The issue of public hearings has challenged those in favour generally of establishing this commission. It has been suggested that holding public hearings may expose a person to vilification of their reputation, and potentially there may be insufficient evidence to establish an offence. People are worried that this will be used as a mechanism to turn into unjustifiable political witch-hunts, as we’ve seen in some of the states. This was one of my concerns, and it was the reason for my rejection of the bill in its earlier form. To address this, the bill indicates that hearings may be held in private unless the commissioner is satisfied that exceptional circumstances—exceptional circumstances, as it says in the bill—justify holding the hearing in public and it’s in the public interest to do so. The phrase ‘exceptional circumstances’, if included in the bill, would make it virtually impossible to hold public hearings, as it would require a court to determine whether circumstances are in fact exceptional. That’s a lawyer fest for sure. The removal of the requirement for exceptional circumstances is essential, and there are proposed amendments before the Senate that will fix this problem. I support these amendments. It would be appropriate that, if a public hearing were held, the commissioner or a deputy commissioner preside, because they are legally qualified to deal with the more obvious legal issues.
Another concern raised with me is the composition of the proposed parliamentary joint committee, where the chair is required to be a member of the government. This raises questions on the independence of the joint committee. A better solution may be that the chair should not be a member of a political party forming government or should at least be a person enjoying bipartisan support of the committee. It’s important that an extensive whistleblower protection authority be established to ensure protection for genuine disclosures. The government assures me that the introduction of such an authority is imminent and an essential supportive element of this bill’s operation.
Next, I raise what Senator Bill Heffernan has raised with me in extensive personal discussions, as well as senior judges and practitioners of the law. What’s missing from this bill is the jurisdiction to overview the misconduct and actions of the judiciary. This option is desperately needed, and there is information showing that this jurisdiction has been overlooked for far too long. It needs to be included—it must be included. It would be welcome to think that our judges are all free from human weaknesses, but they’re human. In practice, it’s not a realistic conclusion that they are free from human weaknesses. Judges are human and susceptible to the human frailties that may lead to misconduct in their offices. We know that. The judiciary must have a mechanism that provides independent review of the conduct of its members.
I look forward to the development of a bill to cover judges and senior police and associated amendments to strengthen the safeguards designed to protect our society from evildoers hiding behind public office—a bill the government has flagged with us. The Australian public deserves protection and reassurance. The people deserve integrity. To be effective, government must be trusted. We do not have trust in governance at the moment, but that’s what we need. We have one flag above this building, one flag for the nation. We are one community. We are one nation. And we support the integrity of our political representatives and public officers whose duty is one of service to the people.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/nGEoc7BChOc/0.jpg360480Sheenagh Langdonhttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSheenagh Langdon2022-12-01 13:48:112022-12-01 13:48:16Wrap up of the National Anti Corruption Commission
Lidia Thorpe has a pattern of disrespect for the Senate, the Australian people and Australia itself. She must be accountable for those decisions. Yet, the only choice that bothered the left was her opposition to the indigenous voice to Parliament. It is only when she opposed the voice that the left and media pile on started.
Transcript
Conservative values, including freedom, mean we embrace diverse opinions within our wider embrace of the rich tapestry of God’s creation. From free debate of different opinions comes strong policy, fair policy. Yet our opponents on the control side of politics play the person, not the argument. This is second nature to the Left, the control side of politics, with hubris and intolerance covering for ignorance and driving their personal attacks.
In discussing Senator Thorpe’s behaviour, we see that, unlike the control side of politics, conservatives embrace differences of opinion. Could it be that the Left’s own attack on Senator Thorpe is political payback for her opposition to the voice? Remember how an old social media message from Lidia Thorpe, asking for Senator Hanson’s support in fighting the voice, was dredged up?
That dredging up was the warning shot Senator Thorpe did not heed. Now we have the bikie boss scandal. Adam Bandt reacted quickly, with an immediate sacking—as if it was orchestrated. One Nation asked what Adam Bandt knew and when he knew it. A head may roll, yet not the one intended. Listening to confidential briefings on bikie gang criminality while in a secret relationship with a recent boss of a bikie gang deserves strong censure. Cheating on one’s significant other deserves censure in another place, not here. One Nation hopes, in future, to see less petulance and better judgement from Senator Thorpe.
Australia needs the control side of politics, the Left, to demonstrate decency and tolerance towards competing viewpoints. We must work hard with everyday Australians across our nation to stop the Left’s lynch mob mentality—made worse in this case because the lynch mob is Senator Thorpe’s own party.
The Left do not debate. The control side fears debate. Instead they abuse and ridicule, silence and divide, and then seek to destroy. We have one flag, we are one community, we are one nation and conservatives celebrate difference of opinion.
https://img.youtube.com/vi/xbo2h3k-skg/maxresdefault.jpg7201280Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2022-10-25 18:11:072022-10-25 18:12:15Left turns on Lidia Thorpe for opposing the voice
The COVID Inquiry 2.0 is a cross-party, non-parliamentary inquiry held on the 17th August 2022. The COVID Inquiry 2.0 followed COVID Under Question to interrogate breaches of the doctor-patient relationship and the regulatory capture of Australia’s health and drug regulators.
Witnesses from a range of backgrounds presented personal and scholarly evidence that was shocking and revealing. The day of questioning from 8am to 7:30pm was livestreamed and recordings of all witnesses are available below.
Please note: Captions on videos are machine generated. They contain a number of errors. The audio of the videos or transcripts linked under each video should be relied on as the accurate statement of what was said.
Transcript. Brook Jackson was regional director of Ventavia Research Group. That company was contracted by Pfizer to provide three phase three test sites for the vaccine trial, the Pfizer vaccine trial, in Houston, Fort Worth and Keller, Texas. 12.22min
Dr Peter Parry
Transcript. Dr. Peter Parry, discusses mental health of children and adults. Associate Professor Peter Parry is a child and adolescent psychiatrist whose career encompasses that of a medical officer in the Royal Australian Navy, a GP and palliative care, prior to training in psychiatry from 1990. 11.15min
Dr Pierre Kory
Transcript. Dr. Pierre Kory from America. He’s a medical doctor, a master of public administration, a specialist in pulmonary diseases and critical care medicine. Won many awards, but two major international awards he received during the COVID are, in 2021 from South Africa, the SAHARI Foundation a Certificate of Appreciation to Humanity, in 2021 again from Malaysia, the Cheng Ho Multicultural Education Trust Benevolent award. 24.51min
Suzie Pollock
Transcript. Suzie Pollock graduated from the Queensland University of Technology in 1995 with a Bachelor of Law. She spent 11 years working for one of Australia’s big four banks. That’d be enough to do it in for you, wouldn’t it. Followed by roles in top tier law firms in Australia and Hong Hong Kong in international banking and finance law. 12.37min
Dr Philip Altman
Transcript. Dr. Phillip Altman, who has a bachelor of pharmacy honours degree in master of science and a PhD. He’s had a background in clinical research and regulatory affairs, pharmaceuticals, medical devices, and biotechnology. 48.26min
Mary-Jane Stevens
Transcript. Mary-Jane Stevens who’s a mother of four, four children and until late September, 2021, she was a registered nurse in the emergency department of a Queensland Health hospital. She’s now been de-registered due to an Ahpra March, 2021 directive. 15.27min
Alan Dana
Transcript. Alan Dana learned to fly in the United Kingdom in 1988. He holds British, United States and Australian professional airline transport licences, including an FAA Accident Prevention Counsellor Designation. His total experience, over 35 years, is now exceeding 23,000 flight hours. Alan took the time on a career route for pilots, instructing pilots for 32 years. 17.13min
PFIZER AND THE VACCINES
Christine Dolan
Transcript. Christine Dolan is an American senior editor and chief investigative correspondent for CDM.press. She has a long history of tackling corruption, having worked at four American networks, served as CNN political director, covered three wars, and has investigated human trafficking in 140 countries for over 22 years, as well as the Catholic church globally. 28.03min
Warner Mendenhall
Transcript. Warner Mendenhall, who’s a United States lawyer. He’s a prominent activist attorney from the United States who is currently representing Ms. Brook Jackson in her lawsuit against Pfizer. Warner has a strong history of representing people being abused by government decisions and protecting whistleblowers fighting against injustice. 13.16min
Dr James Rowe
Transcript. Dr. James Rowe is a pharmaceutical scientist with over 40 years experience in the pharmaceutical industry and academia in the design development and testing of novel drug dosage forms. He has held academic positions at the University of London, University of Sydney, and Western Sydney University. 13.56min
Senator Gerard Rennick
Transcript. Senator Rennick was elected in Federal Parliament in 2019 representing the people of Queensland. He’s one of only a handful of politicians who is holding the government to account regarding the mismanagement of COVID, and he’s willing to question the science behind it. He did that not only with the current government, but he did it with the previous government, which was of his own party. 43.42min
Dr Robert Brennan
Transcript. Dr. Robert Brennan, is a man of a very high integrity. He’s co-director of Australian Medical Network, Australia’s largest and longest running dissident doctor group in the COVID era. He’s a member of the founding executive, so he dares to question things and he speaks up. A member of the founding executive of the Australian medical professional society, and a regular commentator and host on TNT radio.live. 13.32min
THE DOCTOR PATIENT RELATIONSHIP
Dr Chris Neil
Transcript. Dr. Neil became a cardiologist mid-career having been continuously engaged in medicine or the study of medicine for 26 years, quarter of century, since specialisation he has undertaken doctoral and post-doctoral studies being successful in obtaining research grants, completing investigation driven studies, and supervising, and co-supervising higher degree research students to completion as well as supervising and mentoring multiple physicians in training. Discusses doctor patient relationship. 24.22min
Julian Gillespie
Transcript. Mr. Julian Gillespie, who’s a lawyer and a former barrister. Julian is currently closely involved in the federal court judicial review case involving vaccine mandates. He’s deeply involved with issues relating to the oppressive approach that the government has taken with management of COVID-19 in the community. 29.16min
Dr Duncan Syme
Transcript. Dr. Syme winner of the Nicholas Collins Fellowship Achievement Award, the Australian Hospital in the Home Society 2018. Dr. Syme graduated from Monash University in 1987. He’s been in clinical practise for 34 years and a general practitioner for 27 years. Currently, his registration is suspended due to providing exemptions for patients who do not want to be injected by the COVID-19 medication. 24min
Dr Gary Fettke
Transcript. Dr. Gary Fettke is an orthopaedic surgeon and vocal proponent of nutrition being a major component of prevention and management of modern disease. In 2014, he became repeatedly targeted by the processed food industry for his opinion, culminating in a silencing by the AHPRA medical board. Prevention is the key to management in this recent COVID pandemic and future pandemics to come. 21.34min
Peter Fam
Transcript. Peter Fam is a lawyer on human rights. He’s a human rights specialist and the principal lawyer at Maat’s Method A human rights law firm in Sydney. He holds a degree in journalism as well. Peter is a defender and advocate of universal law, his aim is to assist restoring truth, justice, and balance to our world. 24.19min
Julian Gillespie
Transcript. Julian Gillespie talks about government manipulation. He spoke in his first session about the doctor-patient relationship being destroyed. Now he talks about the government manipulation that orchestrated that, and then about new legislation and declaration of demand. 47.01min
Dr Robert Brennan
Transcript. Dr. Robert Brennan, speaking about public health. 13.38min
CONDITIONING AND ETHICS
Dr Peter Parry
Transcript. Dr. Peter Parry, discusses social engineering. A psychiatrist perspective on social engineering based on human behaviour. 19.53min
Professor Iain Benson
Transcript. Professor Iain Benson, discusses medical ethics, not only the problems, but the solutions. He has four degrees, including a PhD. He’s professor of law at the University of Notre Dame, Australia. He’s published many academic articles and book chapters, work cited by both the Supreme Court of Canada, the Constitutional Court of South Africa, and in April 2019, the High Court of Gauteng, which is in Johannesburg, South Africa. He discusses the ethical problems involved with the forced use of experimental drugs. 29.05min
Carla Mardell
Transcript. Carla Mardell, who has a Bachelor of Education, is an EFT practitioner, Postgraduate Certificate of Digital and Collaborative Technology, NLP Coach Practitioner. She discusses how we have been programmed in our beliefs with conditioning. 27.47min
SUMMARY AND SOLUTIONS
Dr Gary Fettke
Transcript. Dr. Gary Fettke discusses solutions as to how people can better prepare their own health. 16.04min
Dr Philip Altman
Transcript. Dr. Altman talks about two things. One is a summary of the day. What have we learned? Then secondly, solutions. 24.27min
I once said that this parliament is a crime scene and our new government doesn’t look any better. Both major parties are rife with undeclared conflicts of interest and cronyism. A Federal ICAC must be able to investigate all of the lobbying and cronyism happening in Australia’s Parliament.
Transcript
I’m meeting this week with Attorney-General Dreyfus to review the planned national anticorruption commission. I’ll be taking One Nation’s position to the Attorney-General—that checks and balances must be in place to preclude witch-hunts. The terms of reference must allow for all outside influence on our decision-making to be identified and removed. Outside influences are driving lucrative subsidies for unreliable solar and wind energy. These subsidies are lining the pockets of donors and sponsors of members of parliament in both chambers—cronyism worth tens of billions of dollars.
In my speech entitled ‘This parliament is a crime scene‘, I detailed the cronyism that infected the previous Liberal-National government. Crikey (Queensland ALP has a conflict of interest) has now detailed similar cronyism and conflicts of interest in the Labor Party and their affiliated fundraising entities. Running government for the benefit of oneself or one’s party’s finances is a betrayal of the trust the Australian people have placed in us. It is corruption and it destroys confidence in government and governance. A government without the confidence of the people must rely on authoritarian measures to maintain control.
This is the path the state and federal governments chose to take during COVID, and those powers have now become permanent. Freedoms stolen are never willingly surrendered. A federal ICAC must investigate the many conflicts of interest and tainted decision-making in governments’ COVID responses—questions of complicity, cover-ups and cronyism. A royal commission, though, is the only way to deal with the wider illegal issues that arose during COVID. Constitutional questions about federal and state roles, the legal standing of the National Cabinet, vaccine mandates in the public and private sectors, the use of troops against law-abiding citizens, criminal harm from medical procedures conducted under duress and police use of excessive force must all be reviewed before we can move on, or we will be there again.
We have one flag, we are one community, we are one nation founded on freedom and personal responsibility.
RE: YOUR REVIEW INTO ALL THE MORRISON GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 VACCINE DEALS
While welcoming your review, regarding your appointment of Ms Jane Halton to conduct the review for you, I ask whether you are aware of the many reported serious conflicts of interest associated with Jane Halton on this topic, based on her reported statements, relationships, appointed positions and history?
If you are aware of these reported conflicts, how do you intend to manage her work for taxpayers and citizens so that we obtain, in your words, quote – “good independent advice to the government about our existing arrangements – the contracts that we have inherited from previous government both in relation to vaccine delivery … and treatments?”
Based on these conflicts and as a matter requiring transparency and integrity, I would seriously question whether any advice provided, or review conducted by Ms Halton, could be said to be unbiased and sufficiently independent concerning existing arrangements and contracts related to vaccine delivery and associated treatments.
Minister, how can a review be independent and credible without release to senators of the details of contracts between vaccine manufacturers, including intermediaries and suppliers, and the government?
https://gfmp.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/GFMP-Covid-19-Vaccination.jpg534800Senator Malcolm Robertshttps://www.malcolmrobertsqld.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/One-Nation-Logo1-300x150.pngSenator Malcolm Roberts2022-07-08 14:44:372022-07-08 14:57:23Letter to the Health Minister: Jane Halton pharma conflicts of interest